Friday, July 6, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Drugs trial of Ross Dunkley opens in Yangon

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 09:16 AM PDT

YANGON – The trial of Australian media personality Mr. Ross Dunkley, his compatriot Mr. John McKenzie and five young Myanmar women began at the Western District Court on Friday after they were apprehended by police in possession of a large quantity of illegal stimulants last month.

The district law office announced that two other Myanmar nationals detained at the same time as Dunkley, his maid and guard, were released without charge.

Previous police reports stated that law enforcement officers had raided Dunkley's rented house in Bahan at about 9 p.m on June 6 and seized various amounts of amphetamine tablets, crystal methamphetamine, or "ice", marijuana and heroin.

The reports said a total of nine suspects were arrested. The five women, aged between 19 to 29, were identified as Ma Hanni Soe, Ma Win Win, Ma Haymar Lwin, Ma Thuzar and Ma Hnin Ei Khine. All were found at Dunkley's house on that night of the police raid. U Thue Thue and Daw Tin Tin Win, who serve respectively as Dunkley's private home security and housekeeper, were released in line with the legal officer's recommendations, according to District Court spokesman U Htay Aung.

At Friday's court hearing, the seven suspects appeared in handcuffs and shackles. Although some of the suspects had already been brought to the district court’s custody, the hearing was delayed for several hours until 4:05 p.m as McKenzie was receiving medical treatment elsewhere. Relatives of the women suspects also attended the hearing.

In the courtroom, Associate Judge U Nyi Nyi Aye told the seven detainees that they were being charged under sections 19 (a) and 21 of the anti-narcotics law. While Dunkley and McKenzie were accompanied by their defense lawyers, the five women's legal representatives did not show up although they promised to bring them to the next hearing, set for July 12. If the suspects are found guilty, they face a minimum jail sentence of 10 years and possibly unlimited imprisonment.

The connection between the five Myanmar nationals and two foreigners was not explained at today's hearing nor were the results of the medical examinations of the accused made available to the media. The District Court’s spokesman said the medical records would not be included as evidence in the case as they were considered irrelevant.

Based on posts to their respective Facebook accounts, it appears that Ma Hanni Soe is Dunkley's girlfriend.  Ma Hanni Soe’s mother declined to clarify the relationship between her daughter and Dunkley.

“I am not feeling well and don’t want to talk about anything,” she said.

Dunkley founded the Myanmar Times in 2000 in a partnership with Sonny Swe, the son of a notorious senior military intelligence (MI) officer, Brigadier-General Thein Swe, with the permission of then spy chief Khin Nyunt. At that time, foreign investment in Myanmar was extremely difficult and enmeshed in red type.

The publication faced challenges from early on, starting in 2004 when Khin Nyunt was purged and jailed. In the following year, Sonny Swe was also imprisoned for decades for violating Myanmar's censorship laws. The disputed ownership of the Myanmar Times was acrimoniously resolved with a new owner taking over and Dunkley ousted. The Myanmar Times is currently operated by Pepsi U Thein Tun and publishes both Myanmar and English versions.

In 2017, Dunkley re-entered Myanmar to make a "fresh start" in the local media landscape with a mission named “Beyond the Box Communications“. McKenzie, who has been identified as a former IFC and World Bank advisor, was Dunkley's business partner.

Dunkley was quoted in an article of MediaWeek published in 2017 as saying that he had assembled an exceptional founding team for the agency that included Yamin Htin Aung, owner of My Magical Myanmar and the wife of his former partner Sonny Swe (who established Frontier Myanmar); Mr. Glen Felgate, formerly of CTN Cambodia, former chief government censor U Tint Swe of the Ministry of Information, and McKenzie.

Dunkley said in the MediaWeek article, "As partners we will tip in US$1.5 million (A$1.9m) and look to raise an additional $3m for 30% of the company. That's not much to establish a premier media company in Myanmar."

The post Drugs trial of Ross Dunkley opens in Yangon appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Analysis: Military Intransigence Signals Dead End for Peace Process

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 08:42 AM PDT

YANGON — A year ago, the ethnic group signatories of the nationwide ceasefire agreement signed a part of the Union Accord, which lays out 37 principles for federal union, "out of necessity" at the 21st Panglong peace conference. The agreed principles already exist in the current laws and 2008 constitution, thus the question remains as to whether the negotiators will be able to create an NCA-based federal constitution without it being dominated by the current military-backed constitution.

The leaders of the ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) stated at the time that they were told the entire peace process could not proceed if they didn't sign the Union Accord. The leaders asserted that the government (the NLD administration and Tatmadaw), the EAOs' negotiation counterparts, refused to accept any of their alternative proposals and insisted that the NCA was the only pathway to peace.

The negotiations have continued but with both sides never being fully agreed on certain issues.

Despite the many areas of disagreement, the third session of the 21stUPC is due to convene next Wednesday. Among the issues left to discuss are whether gender equality should be included under the political agenda, as it is stated in the current political framework that at least 30 percent of the positions in the political leadership should be reserved for women.

Other key issues on the agenda of next week's conference are how to ensure equality and fair distribution of powers over land use and natural resources; social and economic policies; and political issues not included in "the package talks" of drafting the state constitution or secession.

The Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee's working panels for each sector — politics, security, social, economic and land and environment — have been discussing the new principles, and they will meet again early next week (July 8-9 before the main conference) at a gathering where some 700 delegates are supposed to provide their views on the already laid-out principles in each of the five sectors.

The principles are technically based on the public consultations each EAO has held with their people in the past few years. This year, as the New Mon State Party signed the NCA, the public recommendations gathered at their Mon National level Dialogue will also be included in the discussion.

Yet when it comes to the agreement at the union level and discussions at the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee (UPDJC), many of the key points have been omitted, say the civil society members who raised them during the ethnic political dialogues.

A new political framework is needed that goes beyond the 2008 Constitution

Through the lens of land sector negotiations, the Karen Peace Support Network made the point this week that changes in the political dialogue framework would help to establish a genuine and inclusive nationwide political dialogue.

The KPSN said that in the land and natural resources sector, “federal reform is inextricably linked to genuine potential for peace, and as such the lack of reform remains a major driver of conflict."

A network of more than two dozen indigenous Karen community-based organizations, the KPSN closely studied the recommendations made during the Karen public consultations and the agreement reached on the land and environmental sector at the union peace conference.

Saw Alex of the KPSN noted that more than 80 percent of the recommendations, which reflect the ethnic group's desires, were rejected during the different stages of the negotiations at the UPDJC.

"While the framework for political dialogue cites "all inclusive political dialogue" and "equality and self-determination" as central tenets of the process, Tatmadaw representatives continue to block federal proposals across all five sectors of political dialogue, including political, economic, social, land and natural resources, and security," he said.

KPSN also highlighted that the 37 principles were signed by a very limited number of representatives and did not follow the procedure established under the framework for political dialogue. It said the lack of recognition of the federal policy proposals as the basis of the union accord "showcases the lack of good faith in the current peace negotiation process."

The network added that a genuine peace that "is equitable for all people of Burma (Myanmar) is impossible without respect for ethnic land rights.” It claims the Tatmadaw and the elected-civilian government use the peace negotiation “to further legitimise the centralisation of ownership, management and control over land and natural resources” but undermine the key goal of the process is the establishment of a democratic federal union.

Tatmadaw would not mind if peace process collapsed

Despite the EAO leaders being fully aware that the process has not been implemented in accordance with the framework, they were intimidated and forced to sign the accord. Both in the political dialogues and joint ceasefire monitoring committee, the Tatmadaw representatives dominate the talks, and uphold the military's stance on the "six points" policy, one of which is to abide by the existing laws and 2008 Constitution.

According to sources close to the talks, the negotiations could not move forward until the Tatmadaw representatives got what they wanted; if not there has been the implied threat that the process would come to an end.

In May last year, Sai Nguen of the Restoration Council of Shan State told the Shan Herald News Agency that one crass but revealing statement used by the Tatmadaw during the talks was "We [Tatmadaw] don't mind if the peace process collapses." It has been true for more than five years, since the NCA negotiation began.

Padoh Nay Tha Blay, a member of the Land and Environment Working Committee of UPDJC, was quoted as saying in the KPSN case study that even though they put forward key proposals based on policy recommendations from the Karen National Dialogue at the land sector negotiations, "these key articles were blocked."

"The government and military representatives to the UPDJC have colluded in using the Tatmadaw's 2008 constitution to block our policy recommendations," added Padoh Nay Tha Blay, who is also the head of Karen Agriculture Department of the KNU.

And it's not just the land sector, problems exist in other areas as well. The principles set in the economic sector are very general and need a Fresouric and detailed provision of authority to the states for the fiscal governance of the energy, trade and environmental segments, as urged in the fiscal federalism study by the Ethnic Nationalities Affair Center last month.

In the first Union Accord, there were 12 principles under the political sector; 11 under the economic sector; four under the social sector; and 10 in the land and environment sector; and none for the security sector.

Even with the NCA implementation, the hurdles that have been raised have led observers to see that the peace process is a “dead-end.” Besides, the NLD government is currently not able to bring the active armed groups based in northern Kachin state and northeastern Shan State to sign the NCA.

In the almost seven years since the peace negotiations started, the fighting between the Tatmadaw and the EAOs in Kachin and Shan states have displaced more than 150,000 civilians. In Karen state, where the ceasefire has been implemented, more than 8500 civilians have still been displaced from their homes by fighting, according to KPSN.

EAOs’ lack of a unified position weakens the dialogue

When the generals are so intransigent, on both political dialogue and joint ceasefire monitoring, the EAOs leaders do not have "a unified position" to represent the EAO cluster.

A negotiator from the EAO side told The Irrawaddy that when the Federal Army issue was raised during negotiations, there was no common voice among the EAOs that they would support the principles of a “Federal Army.” The Federal Army concept has been rejected by the Tatmadaw, but it is upheld by the EAOs — both signatories and non-signatories of the NCA.

"EAOs representatives were weak in negotiating their proposed principles and political party representatives were not able to negotiate effectively," according to Padoh Saw Hser Pwe, the joint general secretary of the KNU was quoted as saying in the KPSN study. He is a member of the UPDJC's social sector working committee.

He added: "From the military side, they discussed from the same position. They would only discuss issues that were to their advantage; if not, they would refuse to talk about it. It also appeared that the government and parliament were on the same side as the military during the negotiations."

Salai Yaw Aung, a representative to the Union level Joint ceasefire Monitoring Committee (JMC-U) from an NCA signatory, the All Burma Students' Democratic Front, said: "The unity is only on paper" for the EAOs. Thus, they look weak in the eyes of their negotiating adversaries, he said. Even though the EAOs have strong leaders, most of them fail to speak up at the negotiating table.

"The disagreements among the EAOs are seen as a sign of weakness and the negotiating partners know that," therefore, he said, when these issues are discussed, it affects the whole process.

For the upcoming conference, it is pretty clear that there has been no agreement on discussing many of the key federal policies. Only when the Tatmadaw and the NLD leaders prove their political will and the ethnic leaders press to reflect their peoples' voices, will we move closer to achieving a new democratic federal constitution.

The post Analysis: Military Intransigence Signals Dead End for Peace Process appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China, Myanmar Agree 15-Point MoU on Economic Corridor

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 08:00 AM PDT

YANGON — Chinese and Myanmar officials agreed a 15-point Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on building a China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, part of China's One Belt One Road Initiative, said U Min Zaw Oo, the director of the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA).

"The agreements have been reached. The 15-point MoU is ready," U Min Zaw Oo told The Irrawaddy.

"We hope both countries will sign it this year," he said.

The MoU on the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor was finalized at the working-group level in February. The Cabinet then reviewed it, he added.

The corridor will run from China's Yunnan Province to Mandalay in central Myanmar, and then east to Yangon and west to the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ), according to DICA.

Under the MoU, the governments agree to collaborate on many sectors including basic infrastructure, construction, manufacturing, agriculture, transport, finance, human resources development, telecommunications, and research and technology in order to develop the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, U Min Zaw Oo said.

For the implementation of the economic corridors, related ministries are required to form working groups and joint committees between the two countries, so that the ministries can set priorities in terms of infrastructure development projects.

"Infrastructure development projects [SEZ, railways, road projects and industrial zones] will be undertaken by the related ministries. We need to propose the establishment of working groups and joint committees [Myanmar/Chinese] to the government's Economic Committee," U Min Zaw Oo said.

Officials of at least the deputy minister level from both sides need to discuss the infrastructure projects, he said.

In November 2017, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi announced China's proposal to build the Myanmar-China Economic Corridor following a meeting with State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyitaw. Wang claimed that the economic corridor would enhance investment in development and trade under Chinese-Myanmar cooperation as part of the One Belt One Road Initiative.

One Belt One Road is Chinese President Xi Jinping's signature foreign policy project. Unveiled in 2013, it is also known as the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road. The project aims to build a network of roads, railroads and shipping lanes linking at least 70 countries from China to Europe passing through Central Asia, the Middle East and Russia, fostering trade and investment.

According to a Hong Kong Trade Development Council report, the One Belt One Road Initiative includes six economic corridors spanning Asia, Europe and Africa; the New Eurasia Land Bridge Economic Corridor, China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor, China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor, China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor.

Myanmar occupies a unique geographical position in the Belt and Road Initiative, at the junction between South Asia and Southeast Asia, and between the Indian Ocean and southwestern China's landlocked Yunnan province. From a strategic perspective, Myanmar is one of the two direct access points to the Indian Ocean for China. The other is Pakistan, but various issues make that country problematic.

On June 16, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met with Chinese Defense Minister Wei Fenghe in Naypyitaw to discuss bilateral relations. At the meeting, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi vowed to strengthen cooperation on the One Belt One Road Initiative with China, Chinese media reported.

At a meeting with State Counselor's Office Minister Kyaw Tint Swe on June 28 in Beijing, Wang pushed Myanmar to move forward with the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor agreement and highlighted the need to protect peace and stability in the border regions, according to a statement from China's Foreign Ministry.

The newly appointed chairman of the Myanmar Investment Commission, Union Minister U Thaung Tun, attended the Third Belt and Road Summit 2018 in Hong Kong from June 27-29. He told the attending delegates that, "Myanmar is now open for business under the new management of the MIC. Business opportunities are still abundant and the critical need for foreign investment remains," he said, according to a Hong Kong Trade Development Council statement.

U Thaung Tun told the South China Morning Post that Myanmar intends to prioritize economic cooperation with China, particularly the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor Agreement.

However, concerns have been raised about the debt that will be incurred in the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone, in Rakhine State, in the western part of Myanmar. This is a strategic port as a gateway to access Asia and beyond.

According to a shareholder agreement reached under then-President U Thein Sein, China was to hold an 85-percent stake in the project, while the Myanmar government would hold 15 percent. However, the Kyaukphyu project was deeply unpopular among the Myanmar public, prompting the government to seek a renegotiation of the shareholder agreement.

New Planning and Finance Minister U Soe Win told the Nikkei Asian Review on Tuesday in an exclusive interview that Myanmar will seek to reduce the scale of the Kyaukphyu SEZ, and, to avoid falling into a debt trap, Myanmar will try to cut off all unnecessary expenses.

"Myanmar can't sidestep the One Belt One Road Initiative, even though we have many views regarding the debt threat," said U Maung Maung Lay, the vice president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce.

He said the MoU is just a general agreement outlining what both sides will contribute to the project. He said the two sides need to discuss each project at the ministerial level. Even if Myanmar signs the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor MoU, it can still negotiate the details and financial issues, he said.

Kyaukphyu is not the only project facing debt-trap concerns. For the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor agreement, there are industrial zones, railways, roads and other infrastructure projects to be built along the corridor for which Myanmar cannot find financing.

Experts in Myanmar also warn that both governments need to consider that the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor project runs through conflict zones in Shan, Kachin and Rakhine states, so there is a danger the project could provoke conflicts in ethnic areas.

"China has carefully developed a strategic plan for a long time. How about the Myanmar government? Are they prepared for the consequences of that agreement?" said Daw Khin Khin Kyaw Kyee, lead researcher at the Institute for Strategy and Policy Myanmar.

She said the Myanmar government needs to consider the following questions: Has it prepared a strategic plan to avoid the debt trap? How will it negotiate the financing process, especially investment in each infrastructure project? Do they have the right to invite a third party into the investment? And with the corridor running through conflict areas, will the authorities engage with local people living along the corridor?

China is Myanmar's largest investment partner. Between 1988 and May of this year it invested USD20.01 billion in the country, according to DICA.

 

The post China, Myanmar Agree 15-Point MoU on Economic Corridor appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Father Recalls Family’s 3-Month Jungle Ordeal After Fleeing Fighting

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 07:43 AM PDT

Mon State — Zing Thung Sunday, an ethnic Kachin, recalled how he and his family had to hide and survive in the jungle for nearly three months after fleeing their village in Tanai Township, Kachin State, when fresh fighting broke out on April 11 between the Myanmar military and Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

"While I was in my garden near the Tanai River, where I grew vegetables, I heard the explosions. Then I went back home and fled the village with my family," he told The Irrawaddy on Friday.

Together with his younger brother’s family, a nine of them finally made it to the Jaw Masat camp for displaced people in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin, on Sunday — after 86 days in the jungle.

"My family did not have food, but my younger brother brought some. So we shared it with each other to survive,” he said. "We ate rice soup sometimes, but sometimes we also ate grasses that we found.”

Theirs was the last group to flee Awng Lawt village, he said, so they weren’t able to follow their neighbors to the camps in Myitkyina.

Seng Ja, who helps manage the Jaw Masat camp, told The Irrawaddy that when the two families arrived they were exhausted and dirty and that the four children in particular, the youngest of them 7 years old, appeared to have lost much weight.

The camp was set up in April soon after the fighting between the military and KIA broke out and now shelters 596 people.

Seng Ja said the four children showed signs of trauma as well and that she would take them to get mental health treatment on Sunday.

Zing Thung Sunday said his youngest daughter also had wounds on her feet from the many days of walking they did to reach the Tanai River, avoiding landmines and hiding from Myanmar military soldiers along the way.

But Zing Thung Sunday said they were lucky to have made it through the ordeal safely.

"We could not go forward sometimes, but we could not go back, either. So we just stayed in the jungle when we heard the army nearby. So we had to stay in the jungle for a long time," he said.

Awng Lawt village is located near the KIA’s 2nd Brigade in the Hukawng valley. The Myanmar military took the area in April with a combination of ground forces, artillery and air strikes. But fighting in the wider region lasted some two months, and aid groups estimated that about 50,000 people were displaced.

The post Father Recalls Family’s 3-Month Jungle Ordeal After Fleeing Fighting appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Union Gov’t Urged to Halt Spread of Aung San Statues in Ethnic States

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 07:39 AM PDT

YANGON — Political activists and analysts have called on the Union government to put a stop to the trend of local governments putting up statues of General Aung San in ethnic states, amid mounting public opposition to the practice.

Political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein said putting up statues of Gen. Aung San in ethnic states over the objections of local people threatened to disrupt unity, trust and understanding between the majority Bamar population and other ethnic groups.

"The Union government needs to stop this," he added.

Disputes over plans to put up statues have grown increasingly heated in recent years, as the state governments have ignored local ethnic people's objections.

In the latest incident, about 1,000 people in Karenni State marched to protest against the state government's plan to put up a statue of Gen. Aung San in the state capital, Loikaw.

Before the protest, local youth groups sent an open letter to the state government on June 18 requesting to meet with authorities in order to negotiate the issue.

When the request went unanswered, demonstrators went ahead with Tuesday's protest, which turned violent. In addition, 11 youths face prosecution for distributing pamphlets opposing the statue-building project and discussing the history of Karenni State last month. Township authorities sued the youths for alleged incitement under Article 505 (b) and (c) of the Penal Code.

Demonstrators march in Loikaw on Tuesday to protest the regional government's plan to erect a statue of Gen Aung San. (Photo: KnIC/ Facebook)

Several youth groups and student unions denounced the crackdown and lawsuit as well as the arbitrary construction of [a statue of] Gen. Aung San.

Since 2015, there have been protests in Chin, Mon and Kachin states; regions with large Bamar populations have not seen the same level of opposition.

Gen. Aung San, the father of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, is regarded as the country's independence hero for his struggle to free the country from British colonial rule 70 years ago. Before the country gained independence, Gen. Aung San and ethnic leaders signed the 1947 Panglong Agreement, which enshrined federalism and equal rights for ethnic nationalities. But 71 years after the general's death, those pledges remain unfulfilled.

"With his spirit, vision, and what he did [for the country], Bogyoke [General] is an inspirational person for all youth. But being inspirational for us doesn't necessitate putting his statue here. We have our own respected ethnic heroes," Khun Thomas from the Kyan New Generation Youth (KNGY) group, an organizer of the protest in Karenni State, said.

He added that instead of erecting a statue of Gen. Aung San, the government should fulfill the promises he made.

State governments say such statues honor Gen. Aung San and serve to preserve his legacy and create a reminder of the spirit of the Union he created.

"They should build the statues only in areas where there is no objection. It is nonsense, building the statues over the locals' objections," ethnic affairs observer U Mg Mg Soe said.

He said that when it comes to ethnic-related issues, the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) should take a careful and serious approach. Anti-statue sentiment is not confined to one ethnic region; it is happening in many places, he said.

"As long as we continue to erect statues instead of delivering on the promises of the Panglong Agreement, it will cause problems. The NLD will also face a decline in support, especially in ethnic states," he said.

In the April 1 by-election, the NLD lost a Lower House seat in Mon State's Chaungzon Township to the Union Solidarity and Development Party—the military backed, former ruling party—after its controversial naming of a bridge after Gen. Aung San.

Yet, NLD spokesperson U Myo Nyunt said on Wednesday that in a political activities report presented at its nationwide congress in Yangon last month, the party stated that the celebrations of the centennial of Gen. Aung San's birth in 2015 contributed significantly to its landslide victory in that year's general elections.

But he said the party has no policy on the issue and had not instructed the states and regions to build Gen. Aung San statues.

Party members are involved in the activity because they believe it is important to have memorials to him. Thus, he said, local residents paid for the statues out of their own pockets to help future generations remember his spirit and actions.

A statue of Gen. Aung San that was unveiled in Myitkyina in 2017 despite local opposition. (Photo: Myo Min Soe/ The Irrawaddy)

If Gen. Aung San, who was known for his modesty, were alive today, he would not be happy that his admirers were building statues instead of prioritizing the needs of local people, political analyst Dr. Yan Myo Thein said.

NLD Lower House lawmaker Ma Zin Mar Aung seconded that view.

"It is more important to implement the Bogyoke's spirit and vision than erecting statues [of him]," she said.

"Spending the state budget on statues shouldn't be done without the consent of the local ethnic people. Instead, the budget could be better used for development projects that benefit locals," Ma Zin Mar Aung said.

Karenni State—one of the country's poorest—reportedly allocated a budget of 80 million kyats (US$56,890) for its statue of Gen. Aung San.

Women's rights and peace activist Ma May Sabe Phyu said the government should back up its rhetoric on national reconciliation and equal rights with action.

"Speaking as a member of an ethnic minority group, no one hates Bogyoke Aung San. There is no reason for that. But these arbitrary statue constructions will only provoke opposition. If they allow the Bogyoke Aung San statues, they also need to allow statues of ethnic minority leaders. Everyone wants to commemorate their own respected leaders. They need to understand that," she said.

The post Union Gov't Urged to Halt Spread of Aung San Statues in Ethnic States appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Defends Party Member Scorned for Marriage to Army Officer

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 05:02 AM PDT

SAGAING — National League for Democracy officials in Sagaing Region said they would take unspecified action against Facebook users who criticized a party member for being married to a colonel in the Myanmar Army and in the process sparked a debate that has split opinion.

Daw Myat Thiri, secretary of the NLD’s women’s committee in the region’s Sagaing Township, was attacked online after a controversial recent decision by the ruling party to reappoint Daw Su Myat Htet as the committee’s chairwoman.

At a press conference in Sagaing Township on Friday, Daw Su Myat Htet, an NLD lawmaker in the regional legislature, said she believed that one led to the other.

"She [Daw Myat Thiri] became a target for those who disagreed with me and the party's decision not to expel me," the lawmaker said.

"The complaints and letters against me were sent to the NLD central office, urging it to expel me from the party and to reform the women’s committee. However, the party central committee said it had no objections to my work, so I was not expelled," Daw Su Myat Htet said.

"Since the people who disagreed [with the decision] could not attack me, they turned their heads toward Daw Myat Thiri, pointing out that she is the wife of an army official and should not be a member of the party, and saying that the people who accepted her as a party member should be punished," she added.

Disagreement over the composition of the local women’s committee has split the township’s NLD office in two and sparked public debate about Daw Myat Thiri's fitness as a party member.

At the press conference, party officials said photos of Daw Myat Thiri and her husband were spread on Facebook by recently created accounts with anonymous owners believed to be fellow NLD members.

"We know who they are, but we don’t have sufficient data to prove it," Daw Su Myat Htet said.

The NLD’s Sagaing Region rules and regulations committee, however, said it would continue investigating to gather the evidence it needs to discipline the owners in line with party rules.

"Our party's policy is to restore unity if something like this happens. If it goes beyond the policy, we will have to take action against those who defamed the party and destroyed its unity," said U Bar Bar, the region’s NLD rules and regulations committee chairman.

He also explained that the NLD placed no restrictions on members’ backgrounds or family relations.

"We have no restrictions on a person's personal background. We have no restrictions against army officials or army staff or their family being party members," U Bar Bar said. "The appointment of Daw Myat Thiri as a secretary of the women’s committee for Sagaing Township was done in accordance with the party's rules, regulations and policies."

He said the party would not fall for attempts to sabotage its efforts to foster a working relationship with the military, which kept the NLD out of power for decades and still wields considerable control over the government.

"Since our leader, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has been leading us on the road to peace and reconciliation, there are some people who do not want that and intentionally try to block peace and reconciliation," U Bar Bar said. "So they try to stir up problems like this."

After the press conference, Daw Myat Thiri declined to answer questions about her husband but said she would remain an NLD member.

"These are personal matters and I do not want to comment on them," she said of her husband. “However, I will continue to work for the NLD even though there are challenges because I believe in the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her way toward peace and reconciliation for the country. I'm proud of what I'm doing."

The post NLD Defends Party Member Scorned for Marriage to Army Officer appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Why Peace is So Elusive

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 03:05 AM PDT

Kyaw Zaw Moe: Mingalarbar! Myanmar is home to the world's longest-running civil war, and efforts are still being made to achieve peace. Why is peace so elusive? What are the main hurdles at present? Will there be a breakthrough? As vice chairman of the Chin National Front, Salai Lian Hmung has personally participated in the peace process from the very beginning. He held a frank discussion on the topic with me, Kyaw Zwa Moe of The Irrawaddy.

Civil war broke out even before our country regained independence in 1948, but let's recap the developments of the past few years. Before State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's government came to power, efforts were made to achieve peace between the government, the Tatmadaw (Myanmar's military) and the ethnic armed groups under the U Thein Sein government. There were high expectations when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi came to power. The new government has been in office for two years now. What are the barriers to peace today?

Salai Lian Hmung: The main barrier that we see today is the same one that we have faced since independence. [Modern] Myanmar is built on the Panglong Agreement. The agreement states that this country shall be built on the Union [federal] system. Till today, the Union system that the Panglong Agreement envisioned still hasn't been established. Following the Panglong Agreement, we got independence on Jan. 4, 1948. The independence declaration clearly states that the country shall practice a democratic system. It has been 70 years now, and neither of these has been realized. Neither democracy nor the Union system has fully materialized. We still face this problem today.

The Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA], which was signed under then President [U] Thein Sein's government, can address the root cause of this problem. Paragraph 1 of the NCA states that a Union based on the principles of democracy and federalism will be established. This is the way forward to peace, I think. But the NCA doesn't define democracy and federalism, and we have agreed to define them in political dialogues. We've held political dialogues based on the NCA. It has been three years now and there is still no answer.

KZM: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi organized peace talks, which she dubbed the "21st Century Panglong." Two rounds of peace talks have been held. And the third round has been postponed again and again. Why is it so difficult to hold? What are the underlying obstacles?

SLH: In my opinion, the only underlying obstacle is a lack of trust.

KZM: Trust between…

SLH: Between the government and the Tatmadaw, and between the Tatmadaw and the ethnic armed groups. There is still no trust between these three parties. Let's take a look at what has caused this. For example, the NCA ensures democracy and federalism with a full guarantee of democratic rights, national equality and self-determination. But when we hold discussions and talk about the terms "democratic rights," "national equality" and "self-determination," we find that there are differences in our definitions. This is quite natural because we have been clashing for 70 years.

Ethnic armed groups have concerns and so does the Tatmadaw. There is a need for both sides to understand each other's concerns. Ethnic armed groups should try to understand and alleviate the concerns of the Tatmadaw. Similarly, the government and the Tatmadaw should try to understand what we ethnicities have been demanding for more than 70 years through armed struggle, and try to understand these concerns. Now, both sides are only talking about their own demands, and not about the other's concerns. Both sides have concerns about what will happen after the establishment of a Union based on the principles of democracy and federalism.

KZM: Yes, as you've said, it is necessary to build trust. But how many points at the [peace] talks are the two sides arguing over for the time being?

SLH: There are many. But basically, there are two [main] points, I'd say. The peace process can be approached in two ways. The first is a bottom-up approach, and the second is a top-down approach. I have found that there are more problems with the bottom-up approach. Ethnic armed revolutionary organizations demand that public consultations be held. The peace process can't be completed without public participation. The [peace] agreement will not last long if it is signed without considering the wishes of the people. Therefore, we strongly demand public participation and organized public consultations. In the second stage, national-level political dialogues will be held. Ethnic armed groups have to consult with the public. We hold national-level political dialogues in three ways to be able to represent the entire people. We've agreed that national-level political dialogues be held based on ethnicity, region and theme.

But the problem is that…I'm not trying to assign blame, but looking at it objectively, the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee [UPDJC] is a key committee [in the peace process]. The committee has failed to do certain things that we agreed on. We can't blame one side for this. At the meetings, participants agree on certain decisions, but once they get out of the meeting hall, they define those decisions differently. It results from a lack of trust, I think. For example, the UPDJC meeting held in October 2016 agreed that national-level political dialogues be held in regions where NCA signatories are ready. But then restrictions were placed on the venues for the dialogues and they said that dialogues could be held in only three places.

KZM: Who put these restrictions in place?

SLH: Mainly the government and the Tatmadaw.

KZM: You mean both of them?

SLH: I just identified them separately here. Usually, we refer to ourselves as a group of ethnic armed revolutionary organizations, and we refer to them — the government, Tatmadaw and Parliament — collectively. The political parties constitute another group.

KZM: Everyone knows that the government and the Tatmadaw do not have the same stance on the peace process. Some restrictions have been made by the government, and some by the Tatmadaw.

SLH: Speaking frankly, one example is the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State]'s plan to organize a national-level political dialogue. The UPDJC meeting agreed that it would be held in Langkho Township. The RCSS wanted to hold preliminary public consultations in 20 places. The government issued notices and instructed the state- and township-level government staff to assist the RCSS in holding public consultations. I heard that after the RCSS held public consultations in 14 of the 20 places, military officials in the concerned areas barred them in the six remaining places. So, public consultations were only held in 14 townships and could not be held in the six others. And the national-level political dialogue could not be held in Langkho. This is the problem with the bottom-up approach.

We reached a deadlock over the package deal at the previous 21st Century Panglong session. We ethnic groups demanded national equality, self-determination and federalism, and the Tatmadaw demanded a guarantee [from us] not to secede from the Union. This is not a technical problem, but a political problem. General Aung San agreed to the separation of the Chin, Kachin and Shan, when the Panglong Agreement was signed and when the 1947 Constitution was drafted. And the Shan and Karenni got the right to secede. They got it not because of federal principles or a federal system. It was the result of a political give and take [by Gen Aung San]—to persuade [the ethnic states] to join [Burma proper in achieving independence] with an option for separation. Federalism is about integration. But whether or not that integration will allow the right to secede is a political issue. Those in the [Union peace-making] work committee, secretarial board and UPDJC hold discussions from the technical perspective of established norms of federalism and democracy. But the problem is not about the norms of federalism or democracy. It is about political agreement. We can't make political decisions based on a technical perspective. The work committee can't find an answer from a technical perspective.

KZM: So the decisions must be made by the leaders?

SLH: It is time that the leaders hold face-to-face negotiations and have the courage to decide what is best for the interests and the future of this country and what is most important for all ethnicities. In so doing, it is important that the government and Tatmadaw speak with the same voice.

The problem is that it seems that we have to negotiate with two "governments" [the National League for Democracy-led government and the Myanmar Army]. We can't negotiate with two governments. There must be only one government in the country. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi represents the government and chairs the UPDJC. She and the army chief should hold talks and tell us exactly what they can accept, and what they can't. The ethnicities have presented most of their principles regarding democracy and federalism to them, and presented them to the whole country as well. They should look and speak with the same voice about what they can accept, what they can't, what they will take time to consider.

KZM: But in reality, does the political landscape allow for this?

SLH: Unfortunately we still don't have such a political landscape. So I'd like to request that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the army chief provide decisive leadership for the peace process. And the leaders of the ethnic armed revolutionary organizations should also act decisively.

KZM: Speaking of the demands of the Tatmadaw and the ethnic armed groups, the former has said it will not allow secession. The ethnic armed groups make three demands. Do they seek to demand secession?

SLH: No, they don't.

KZM: If that's the case, what is their major demand and what is the main misunderstanding between the two sides?

SLH: Here, I need to talk a little bit about history. We ethnicities have consistently demanded what is guaranteed in the Panglong Agreement, especially paragraphs 5 and 7. We also presented those demands to the Frontier Area Enquiry Committee [formed by the British to gauge opinions in the highland regions on the topic of gaining independence together with Burma proper]. [Our demands] were enshrined in the 1947 Constitution. But this was not comprehensive and we pressed our demands again at the 1961 Taunggyi Conference. We discussed them again in Parliament in 1962. All the demands that the ethnicities have had all along can be summarized in three words: democracy, equality, and self-determination. Only the Union system can provide a Constitution that guarantees all three of these. A unitary state system doesn't. So, a federal Union system is a must to meet all these demands. This is all we ask for.

Regarding secession, we ethnicities held a high-level conference in 2005. At that time, senior ethnic leaders were still alive. The conference was attended by key leaders such as KNU [Karen National Union] chairman General Mya, and other top Shan, Chin and Karenni leaders. The conference reviewed all the fundamental principles on which the Union was established. There were 10 fundamental principles we reviewed. We accepted that if a federal Union is to be established, ethnicities should have the right to decide freely whether or not to join it. Coming together should be a process of voluntary association. This was one of the principles. When we talked about this, senior leaders responded that it had been 50 years—now it has been 70 years—that ethnicities have lived together in the country, and therefore the principle should no longer be about "coming together" but "holding together."

Secondly, Gen Aung San gave us the right to secede in order to protect our rights. But the reality after we gained independence is that this right does not serve to protect our interests; to the contrary, it denies our interests. I say this because we were criticized whenever we presented our demands. When we talked about unity, it was treated as if it was nothing. Whenever we presented demands for ethnic rights and constitutional rights, we were criticized. Along the way, the right to secede denies our rights, rather than protects them. So, we decided at the 2005 conference to drop the demand for the right to secede. The implicit meaning of this right is equality and self-determination. So, we decided to forcefully demand those and not to demand the right to secede any longer. As a result, in my opinion, there was political progress over time, and we were finally invited to peace talks by [then] President [U] Thein Sein's government. He told us that we could make any demand with two exceptions: secession and anything that violates sovereignty.

KZM: So, he called for "holding together?"

SLH: Yes. He said we were not allowed to demand secession, but we could demand other things. And we were not allowed to violate sovereignty, but were given other allowances. We ethnicities stopped demanding the right to secede in 2005 and President [U] Thein Sein also created conditions. This is how the peace process got started.

KZM: That was why the ethnicities joined the peace process….

SLH: Yes, it was. The [21st Century Panglong] peace conference last year failed to make progress. The RCSS was still not able to hold a national-level dialogue. They are right when they say they have to consult with the public to decide important matters. We [the other ethnic groups] accepted that what the RCSS said is reasonable. So, we did not talk about our three demands at the conference. Nor did we talk about the Tatmadaw's demand that we don't secede from the country.

KZM: So, this was one of the factors that brought the peace talks to a deadlock.

SLH: It was the main factor.

KZM: You said the Tatmadaw has concerns, and asked that [the ethnic regions] not secede from the country. So, they have concerns that [ethnic regions] may secede.

SLH: Yes, they do.

KZM: There are dozens of ethnic armed groups. Some have signed the NCA, some haven't, and some are still fighting [the Tatmadaw]. Are there any groups that are likely to secede?

SLH: This question should be asked of each individual group. What I can say on behalf of them collectively is [to reiterate] the results of the 2005 conference. The eight principles adopted at the conference were reviewed in 2016 and reaffirmed at the peace conference. I can only talk about those principles. Regarding the Tatmadaw's concerns, it is worth considering what one military officer said. He said those who were born and became military officers after the Revolutionary Council took power [in 1962] have been taught their whole lives that federalism is about separation. So, they are really afraid of it. According to their understanding, self-determination is independence. They are also afraid of that. Their definition of equality and our definition of equality are different. He said the Tatmadaw is ready to fulfill those three demands in response to the needs of the country and the peace process. But then, he asked, shouldn't the Tatmadaw be able to demand non-separation to ease its concerns?

KZM: They do have concerns.

SLH: They have such concerns because of the civil war that has been going on in the country for 70 years. We can't tell them not to worry. They have concerns on their mind. We have to address those concerns by building trust over time. We can't build trust just by talking. We have to take practical actions. Their concerns will ease when they see the fruits of practicing the federal principles of national equality and self-determination. And our concerns will also ease.  Gradually and finally, concerns and suspicions will be dispelled and [the peace process] will be put on the right track. By "right track," I mean democracy and federalism. In my opinion, there will be no big disputes between the two sides if we approach democracy and federalism without suspicion and we can build the country based on the wishes of the people.

KZM: When people talk about federalism and democracy, it is said that democracy survives in Myanmar because there were free and fair elections in 2012 and 2015. But it could also be said that only a partial democracy can be enjoyed under the military-drafted Constitution. It is also too early to predict what kind of federalism will emerge from the current situation. Let's consider the thinking of our national leaders. Former President U Thein Sein talked about these two concepts, federalism and democracy, as opening the door for peace. How do they understand these concepts? The government of State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi declared in its manifesto that it would build a federal democratic union. Every president talks about federalism and democracy when taking office. How are they different in essence?

SLH: It is difficult to say they are different in essence. I can't see any difference because we have to go back to the Declaration of Independence and the Panglong Agreement when it comes to reconstruction of the country. Without democracy and federalism, it is impossible to reconstruct the country. Taking lessons from world history, the best federal system in the world was that of the Soviet Union. It was a really great federal system; that of Yugoslavia was similar. However, the Soviet federal system only lasted 70 years before collapsing because it was not accompanied by democracy, and had to survive under communism. Therefore, democracy is indispensable to federalism. Democracy alone is not sufficient either. We had a democratic system from independence in the late 1940s until the early 1960s. The ethnic minorities had already started their armed struggles, their revolutions. Civil war erupted because federalism had not been adopted. Therefore, democracy and federalism must be adopted simultaneously. Neither of them can take priority over the other. I think they work in tandem. Both of them must be adopted to their full extent simultaneously.

KZM: Some ethnic armed organizations [EAOs] have already signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA], while others, like the Northern Alliance, have not. There are many other groups that have not signed the NCA. This is because they have their own individual problems. The government and the Tatmadaw [Myanmar's military] seem to have adopted two different approaches in dealing with ethnic armed groups. Violent methods are used to deal with non-signatories, with fighting continuing there. What are the stances of the two groups? How can they survive? Both the government and the military have been pressuring ethnic armed groups to sign the NCA. The NCA was drafted by the ethnic armed groups, wasn't it?

SLH: I believe the NCA is the only mechanism for conducting the current peace process and political dialogue.

KZM: And they can't reject it?

SLH: Right, because they would have to continue fighting and that would be very dangerous. If they choose other means, the NCA is the only mechanism that will allow them to lay down arms temporarily while ways and means are sought through political dialogue. If we can find a solution through that process, we can join hands permanently without war, and peace will prevail. If, however, we fail to find a solution, it can't help. Through the NCA, we are seeking peace in any way possible. Without the NCA, we will have to negotiate while fighting. That is very dangerous. I don't think that should happen. So I think that every group should take the NCA path. No one, including the government and the ethnic armed groups, should deviate from the NCA path. I would like to urge all ethnic armed groups that have not signed the NCA to do so.

KZM: But what do you think the military and the government should do to persuade them to sign the NCA?

SLH: For ethnic armed groups that have not signed the NCA to sign it and take part in the peace process, the first and most important thing is that the NCA must be strictly observed. Second, it is necessary to work according to a political dialogue framework based on the NCA. Third, both sides must follow the decisions of the Union Peace Dialogue Joint Committee [UPDJC], which was formed to implement the peace process, and work towards them. Only when we can act freely and peacefully in accordance with the framework and the political roadmap will the ethnic armed organizations that have not signed the NCA trust it. However, despite being signatories to the NCA, framework agreement, and bilateral agreements, we do not have complete freedom to hold public consultations. We can't even hold national-level political dialogues in complete freedom. We have such difficulties. If the government truly wants peace, why are they worrying about our public consultations? Why don't they want us to hold public consultations? What should they do if they truly want peace and trust the public?

KZM: The government permitted national-level political dialogues in the areas controlled by the RCSS [Restoration Council of Shan State]. It permitted national-level political dialogues in 14 places, but military officers blocked them in six places. Don't such acts violate the terms of the UPDJC and the NCA?

SLH: Right. We discussed whether to hold national dialogues previously. We held a conference in May 2017. Actually, It has been a year since we last held a conference, but we have been working without a break. We reviewed the entire framework. We reviewed and amended it. We also reviewed the implementation of the NCA and its interpretation. In my opinion, we have come closer to the [positions of] the Tatmadaw and the government. The Tatmadaw and the government have also come closer. We have come closer to all the political parties too.

KZM: Really? Is that true?

SLH: We have come closer together in terms of the technical interpretation of the framework and reviewing the implementation of the NCA. Whether it is true or not depends on the outcomes of the upcoming [Third Session of the Panglong Peace] conference.

KZM: For the non-signatories to sign the NCA, the government and the military are required to observe the terms of the NCA and permit the holding of national-level political dialogues. Some Tatmadaw officers ordered them blocked. EAOs feel that they have to negotiate with two "governments". Has the government failed to persuade the Tatmadaw and explain the situation clearly? Does it lack the capacity to do that?

SLH: You had better ask the government.

KZM: You are working mainly with the leadership of the government's Peace Commission. The commission includes Dr. Tin Myo Win and others. They have negotiated with the leadership of the Tatmadaw and EAOs. Is their capacity in question?

SLH: I don't know the details of that, but the leaders are trying very hard and working tirelessly. As for their capacity, the post of Dr. Tin Myo Win was held by U Aung Min in the previous government. As far as I am concerned, [U Aung Min] was able to speak on behalf of the government or the president. When we talked with the president, we could trust what he said, as he was able to convey the views of the Tatmadaw. Another factor is that there was the MPC [Myanmar Peace Center], which was made up of ministers like U Aung Min and about 10 Ph.D.-holders. It was a strong team. It had a workforce of about 140 staff. When we needed them, they could come to us at once. Frankly speaking, we have lost a lot of this capacity. You can go and see how many staff are assigned to the NRPC [National Reconciliation and Peace Center] now. If U Aung Min was not able to come to the MPC, then other ministers or other UPDJC members — or at least leading members of the MPC and experts — were available. There were many other advantages. For example, we were able to sign the NCA within 17 months. The NCCT [Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team] and the government needed to officially meet only seven times, though there were several informal meetings. However, there were really many informal meetings because we needed them to find a solution. However, since the new government took office, it has been difficult to make bargains at formal meetings. We talk about policies at formal meetings, and our policies are in conflict. At informal meetings, we can negotiate policies.… It is easier to find solutions at informal meetings without any cameras. Now, they have started to hold informal meetings as we demanded. They contribute a lot to the political and security sectors. Without informal meetings, it would be difficult to hold the upcoming [peace] conference in July.

KZM: Looking at this issue, it could be said that the capacity and human resources for peace talks have declined during the term of the government of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. When we look back at the time of U Aung Min, the situation was politically advantageous because the country was ruled by formers generals. U Thein Sein is a former general.

SLH: We only had to negotiate with one government.

KZM: U Aung Min himself is a former general. However, the current government and the Tatmadaw are completely different from them.

SLH: I don't know if I am speaking too frankly here. The Tatmadaw and the government should not be two disconnected bodies. [Tatmadaw] commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must have met with each other. Senior Tatmadaw officers and people like Dr. Tin Myo Win must have met regularly. It would be better if they could set policies together after their meetings. I am not talking technically about where and when the meetings take place. They should discuss policies that will really solve the problems of the nation.

KZM: As we have just said, some are not concerned with technical issues but with political decisions. In such cases, if the interpretations of federalism by the Tatmadaw and the government are different, it may create new problems.

SLH: We all come from different backgrounds. As we are negotiating from different historical backgrounds, political backgrounds and points of view, we will have different opinions. We started meeting with the government in November 2013. At that time the leaders who represented the Tatmadaw were very tense. However, when we talked and had tea together during the breaks, we discovered that our differences were not so great. It is important to talk to each other. Therefore, I believe the government and the Tatmadaw should talk more. I believe a lot in conversations. We should engage in dialogue. Then, it is also important to reveal what we have discussed to the public.

In the peace we are trying to negotiate now, we are not trying to defeat each other, but to cooperate to find a solution to end the problems of the country, which have lasted for seven decades. Our approach is to find a solution to the problems together. If we adopt this approach, there will be no winners and losers; no one will be right or wrong. I want the Tatmadaw and the government to come closer together and discuss things. The same is true for the EAOs and the government; the EAOs make deals not just at formal meetings but also at informal meetings. Our country has become a democratic one and the government should create an environment in which we can talk about the peace process to the media or anyone else. However, we are now working in an environment in which the terms we have formally agreed to are not observed. It is difficult but we must not despair; we must try to overcome such difficulties.

KZM: You have mentioned three factors: relations between the Tatmadaw and the government; between the Tatmadaw and the EAOs; and between the government and the EAOs. What problems exist among the EAOs themselves? We cannot say they are united. They have different opinions even on the NCA. What would you like to say about the EAOs and ethnic parties?

SLH: I think the interpretation of unity in our country is wrong. The ethnic nationalities are suffering as a result of that mistake. This is because national unity was the national policy during the period of the Burma Socialist Programme Party. In implementing the policy, it employed unity not as a means of achieving the goal but as a goal in itself. It should not have been the end goal. Unity as a goal can only be implemented under a dictatorship. A system in which everyone must be united should not exist. That is quite contrary to a democratic system. People have grown accustomed to this idea of unity.

KZM: Do you mean that it requires everyone to submit to one command?

SLH: Yes, to be under one command. Therefore, unity should not be a goal, it should only be a means. It should be a supporting mechanism to achieve our goal. This culture also has an impact on the ethnic groups to some extent. As a result, all-inclusiveness and unity seem to be important. Our unity should be based on the shared goal of a democratic federal union. It should not be a goal that will be achieved only if we all are united. Now we seem to set the goal as unity. There were many such mistakes. I would like to explain how to build unity by taking the NCA as an example. We need to build unity in adopting principles concerning what will be included in the agreement and what they will guarantee for our future. We have been able to do that. However, the decision on whether to sign the NCA is a matter of self-determination for each ethnic group, to be considered based on the interests of each individual group. Therefore, our unity is just in terms of the NCA. Whether an organization signs it or not is their decision. What we should understand in building a democratic federal union is the need to agree on our country's basic principles and practices. We should be united in finding such common ground. Here, not just the Tatmadaw and the government need to find common ground, but also the ethnic groups. The government and the Tatmadaw must have common cause. When we have adopted such a policy, whether or not a certain ethnic group signs the NCA is their own matter. It is the same with federalism. What we are doing wrong is to emphasize all-inclusiveness, not as a means but as a goal. So I think the interpretation of unity is wrong. On the other hand, what all our ethnic groups demand is self-determination. True self-determination means respecting and recognizing the right of every ethnic group to decide whether to accept it. Doing so does not mean that we are not united. We need to understand the difference.

KZM: Are some ethnic organizations promoting self-interest rather than the common ground reached in 2005?

SLH: We can't see any evidence to accuse them of that. Let's go back to the NCA; the ethnic organizations have to consider the impacts, advantages and disadvantages of signing the NCA. In my opinion, the decision on whether to sign the NCA depends on such considerations. Therefore, we will negotiate for democracy and federal principles. If we can agree on the negotiations, we will sign them as part of the Union agreement. This must be the basic requirement for amendments, abolition and addition to all the laws of the country, including the Constitution.

KZM: When will these things happen? The NLD government has its own timeframe but has not revealed it publicly. However, the 2020 election is around the corner. They seemed to have high ambitions ahead of it. When do you think that situation will happen, in your opinion?

SLH: Politics is as unpredictable as the weather. As I have just said, [it will happen when] leaders of the country and the ethnic leaders agree on them.

KZM: Would it happen overnight if they did?

SLH: Absolutely! Why not? We all …

KZM: But it hasn't happened for 70 years.

SLH: In my opinion, nothing is impossible. What our country needs is a decisive leader like General Aung San.

KZM: Don't we have one? What about Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was elected by the people?

SLH: Don't corner me like that. "A leader like Gen. Aung San" could be the senior-general or Daw Aung San Suu Kyi or the president or an ethnic leader. I just meant to say that no one has come out to do that so far.

KZM: Thanks a lot Ko Salai. We will have to wait and see when we can restore peace and how fast our leaders can come to a decision. Peace for all depends on them. Thanks.

The post Why Peace is So Elusive appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Almost Half of Myanmar’s Shoe Factories in Danger of Shutting Down, Manufacturer Warns

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 02:35 AM PDT

YANGON — Several garment and shoe factories in Yangon plan to close this year amid a challenging global business environment and a lack of policy direction, according to industrial zone sources.

A garment factory in the Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone with some 500 employees recently said it would shut down soon because of financial constraints.

"It won't shut down immediately. It just said that it plans to shut down and outlined how it will compensate employees," said U Aye Thaung, chairman of the management committee of Shwe Lin Pan Industrial Zone.

"Closing a factory is the thing businessmen hate to do most. They will only shut down if they can no longer afford to continue," he said.

According to manufacturers, frequent changes in government policies, low productivity and declining purchase orders from foreign countries are making it difficult for garment and shoe factories to survive.

No new investments are coming into the industry, as existing local and foreign-backed factories are struggling, U Aye Thaung said.

"There have been fewer and fewer job opportunities this year. And this trend will continue as existing factories are reducing their workforces," he said.

"Many more factory workers will face redundancy," he added.

A number of shoe factories are planning to close because Myanmar's share of the world's footwear market has declined, U Aye Thaung said.

"Mostly, walking shoes dominate the market now. So, it is difficult for leather shoe factories to survive. As orders from foreign buyers have declined, they have laid off workers," he said.

Leather shoes are mainly exported to Western countries and certain Asian countries like Japan and Korea.

Nearly half of the 15 shoe factories currently operating in Myanmar are likely to shut down by the end of this year, said U Aye Thaung, who also owns a shoe factory. Only factories that make sports shoes and ladies' footwear are doing well, he said.

"Adidas has built a shoe factory in Hlaing Tharyar that will employ around 100,000 people. But it dare not move forward with the project, mainly because of frequent changes in government policies," he said.

"Big investors like that need to make long-term plans. So, I'm afraid it won't start production until it can [be assured that it can] operate in the long run," he said.

"It is a real cause for concern that factories are closing. It is not good for our country if foreign investors close their factories and go home," said U Win Myint, a lawmaker from Hlaing Tharyar Township in the Lower House of the Union Parliament.

Many factories have been struggling since last year, said U Nay Lin Zin, managing director of Excel Int'l Trading Co., which is based in the Shwe Lin Pan Industrial Zone.

"Two factories have shut down this month because of increased [minimum] pay and other operational difficulties. Some are struggling and more are likely to shut down soon. It is surely not a good sign for industrial zones," he said.

According to factory owners, complicated procedures regarding land acquisition and operation, unreliable electricity supply and the presence of squatters in factory compounds are among the major problems facing industrial zones.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Almost Half of Myanmar's Shoe Factories in Danger of Shutting Down, Manufacturer Warns appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Police Seize 1.6M Meth Tablets in Rakhine State

Posted: 06 Jul 2018 12:51 AM PDT

SITTWE, Rakhine State — The Myanmar Police Force reported a large illicit drug haul in Rakhine State’s Buthidaung Township on Wednesday.

Border guard police patrolling the May Yu River found a total 1,599,000 methamphetamine tablets on a boat hidden in mangrove swamps along a creek near the village of Lai Shae Pyin. The cache has an estimated market value of about 3.1 billion kyats ($2.2 million).

"We are searching other possible places together with officials from the township General Administration Department to find out more," police Major Kyaw Thura Win told The Irrawaddy.

He said police believed the drugs were destined for neighboring Bangladesh.

Lawmaker U Tun Aung Thein, who represents Buthidaung in the state legislature’s Lower House, told The Irrawaddy that the local drug problem has gotten so bad that even schoolchildren were now using drugs.

Police stand over a haul of packaged methamphetamine tablets found in Rakhine State on Wednesday. / Myanmar Police Force / Facebook

"We can assume that it is because of a lack of the rule of law that drugs can be very easily bought in our township even though there are many battalions and police stations here," he said. "The government should take a tough line by adopting a comprehensive plan."

Owing to the dangers of confronting drug dealers themselves, he added, “we can't actively engage in fighting drugs. It is too risky for us.”

The government launched a “May Yu” anti-narcotics operation in the area in February 2017, but to little apparent avail.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Police Seize 1.6M Meth Tablets in Rakhine State appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Yangon Municipal Elections Expected to be Held in December

Posted: 05 Jul 2018 11:53 PM PDT

YANGON — Municipal elections are expected to be held in December following the promulgation of the new Yangon municipal law, said Daw Than Myint Aung, an appointed member on the executive board of the Yangon municipality.

"We expect to hold [municipal elections] in December," she said.

The elections will be held according to the new municipal law and existing by-laws "because it will take a long time if we wait to hold elections until after we draft new by-laws," she added.

The Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC)'s executive board initially consisted of nine members: the mayor, four appointed members and four elected individuals, but it was later expanded to add two elected positions.

The new YCDC law, which supplements the 2013 municipal law, came into effect on June 28.

The commercial hub saw its first-ever municipal elections in six decades in December 2014.

One month after the National League for Democracy took office in April 2016, the Yangon mayor announced that the YCDC by-laws had been amended so that the elected members' terms coincided with the government.

Then the Yangon chief minister sent notices of dismissal to the elected members who previously anticipated that they would serve until the next elections.

The new YCDC laws introduces changes to the elections, as well as replacement and recall of municipality members, said Yangon Region lawmaker U Hla Htay, who is also a member of YCDC law drafting committee.

According to the new law, the term of the committee coincides with the president, and municipal elections shall be held within three months after a new government takes office.

"The existing committee will serve until new committee members are elected," he said.

The new law includes 31 chapters with 337 provisions, including penalties for breaching the code of conduct for civil servants.

The law also creates a new post of vice mayor to ease the workload of the mayor of Myanmar's largest city.

Additional Reporting by Thazin Hlaing

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

The post Yangon Municipal Elections Expected to be Held in December appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

One Rescuer Dead, Teams Stuck on How to Bring out Thailand’s Trapped Boys

Posted: 05 Jul 2018 10:56 PM PDT

CHIANG RAI, Thailand — A Thai rescuer died during an operation to save 12 boys and their soccer coach trapped inside a flooded cave complex, the latest setback for a mission fraught with danger as rescue teams brace for more rain that could delay their work.

Samarn Poonan, a former member of Thailand’s elite navy SEAL unit who was part of the rescue team in Chiang Rai, died on Thursday night after entering the cave to lay oxygen tanks along a potential exit route, the SEAL commander said.

“The conditions in the cave are tough,” Admiral Apakorn Yuukongkaew, commander of the SEALS unit, told reporters on Friday.

“Once he placed the oxygen tanks he became unconscious on his way back. His buddy tried to administer first aid, when there was no response he tried to move him,” Apakorn said.

“We won’t let his life be in vain. We will carry on”.

Volunteers at the Tham Luang cave in northern Chiang Rai province were shaken by Samarn’s death.

“A navy SEAL just passed away last night. How about a 12-year-old boy that will have to pass through?” Rafael Aroush, an Israeli living in Thailand and volunteer who arrived at the cave site on Thursday, told Reuters.

“There will be rain and many things could go wrong. I don’t want to say it, but it could be a catastrophe,” he said.

Chiang Rai Governor Narongsak Osottanakorn said on Thursday that rescuers were preparing a five km (three miles) “oxygen pipeline” as part of preparations for the group’s extraction but added that the boys would not be coming out soon.

“You see we are increasing the number of people going inside the cave. So we have to fill it up with oxygen,” Narongsak told reporters.

Rescuers, including international teams, are considering alternative ways to bring the group out before heavy rains hit the country’s north next week, which could further hamper the rescue operation.

“We have considered many alternatives to find the most feasible ones,” Narongsak said.

Deep Water

Rescue alternatives include teaching the boys to dive and then swim out, a highly risky venture, remaining in the cave for months until the wet season ends and flood waters recede, or drilling a shaft into the cave from the forest above.

The boys, aged between 11 and 16, and their assistant coach were found inside the cave on Monday, after nine days underground, hungry but in good spirits. They went missing after they set out to explore the cave on June 23.

Rescuers are deciding how to remove the group but have been slowed down by logistical issues including high water levels inside the cave and narrow, flooded passages, which would require the boys to dive alone.

The Thai navy is teaching the boys the basics of diving, with a view to guiding them out through flood waters.

But getting them out won’t be easy. The boys will have to be taught how to use scuba diving gear and how to navigate a cave that has frustrated even the most expert divers.

“Regarding the plan for the 13 to swim or dive, there is only one critical point which it is risky: It is where every boy has to dive alone. The point is very narrow … It is very deep water. The distance is pretty long,” said Narongsak.

Some of the boys cannot swim.

But rescuers are considering other options including keeping the 13 inside the Tham Luang cave until the flood waters recede, at the end of the rainy season in about four months.

Others say the boys could be out in days if the weather is on their side and enough water can be pumped out of the cave to enable the boys to get out the same way they got in, on foot, perhaps with some swimming.

Another possibility would be to find an alternative way into their chamber, such as drilling a shaft into the cave from the forested mountain above.

Heavy monsoon rains are forecast for next week in most of the north, according to Thailand’s meteorological department.

The post One Rescuer Dead, Teams Stuck on How to Bring out Thailand’s Trapped Boys appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Rescued Chilean Miner Sends Message of Hope to Trapped Thai Boys

Posted: 05 Jul 2018 09:34 PM PDT

One of 33 Chilean miners rescued in 2010 after spending 69 days underground in a collapsed mine has sent a message of encouragement and hope to 12 Thai boys and their soccer coach trapped in a flooded cave complex.

“I would like to send greetings and a lot of strength to the authorities and the families of these 12 children,” said Mario Sepulveda, using the handle @SuperMarioChile, in a video message posted on Twitter.

“I have no doubt that if the government of that country puts in everything and makes all the humanly possibly efforts, this rescue will be successful. May God bless you!” said the miner wearing a red helmet and a yellow safety vest.

Rescue divers found the 12 boys and their coach on Monday, huddled on a muddy bank in a partly flooded chamber deep in the caves, nine days after they went missing, just before heavy rainy season showers hit the northern province of Chiang Rai.

They were pale and weak but otherwise in good health.

Now, authorities have to figure out how to get them out through several kilometers of flooded tunnels.

They might have to stay in the cave until floodwaters recede at the end of the rainy season in about four months.

The 33 Chilean miners spent more than two months underground after their copper and gold mine caved in on Aug. 5, 2010, trapping them about 625 meters down. For the first 17 days of their ordeal, they were all believed to have been killed.

But rescuers found the men with a bore hole the width of a grapefruit, which served as a lifeline to pass water and food, as well as items to keep their spirits up, while a plan to extract them was devised.

Eventually, all 33 were shuttled to safety up a narrow shaft, one by one, in a specially designed steel capsule.

Their ordeal captured the attention of the world’s media, just as the fate of the Thai boys has.

“We are praying for each of you, for each of the families and for these children,” Sepulveda said.

“I want you to know that we know what you are going through — the anguish, the sadness, the desperation, and the agony that you are feeling,” his wife, Katty Valdivia, added in an email.

The post Rescued Chilean Miner Sends Message of Hope to Trapped Thai Boys appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Malaysia’s Mahathir to Visit China After Putting $20B of Projects on Ice: Sources

Posted: 05 Jul 2018 09:28 PM PDT

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian and Chinese officials are in talks for Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to visit Beijing soon, two sources with knowledge of the discussions told Reuters, after Kuala Lumpur suspended China-backed projects worth more than $20 billion.

Mahathir, who came to power in May following a stunning election defeat for then prime minister Najib Razak, is reviewing major projects signed by the former government, saying many of them do not make financial sense for Malaysia.

His trip to Beijing has been provisionally agreed for mid-August, according to one source involved in planning it.

A Malaysian foreign ministry source said both sides had yet to finalize dates, but Mahathir was “looking forward to visiting China."

The sources spoke on condition of anonymity as they were not authorized to talk to the media on the subject.

A spokesman for Mahathir did not comment.

China’s Foreign Ministry did not immediately respond to a faxed request for comment.

Najib courted billions of dollars of Chinese investment and was one of Southeast Asia’s most enthusiastic supporters of President Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative.

Arrested this week on charges of corruption, Najib pleaded not guilty and was freed on bail on Wednesday.

Reuters on Thursday reported authorities were investigating whether his administration made use of Chinese funds for two pipeline projects to pay the dues of scandal-ridden state fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).

Mahathir has been highly critical of the benefits of certain Chinese projects in Malaysia. Since taking office, he has vowed to renegotiate terms even as construction work continued.

But in a surprise move this week, the finance ministry, under Mahathir’s orders, called a halt to work on three projects: the $20-billion East Coast Railway Link (ECRL) and two pipeline projects worth $2.3 billion.

The 688-km (428-mile) ECRL will connect the South China Sea off the east coast of peninsular Malaysia with the strategic shipping routes of the Straits of Malacca to the west.

The other two projects are a petroleum pipeline stretching 600 km (373 miles) along the west coast of peninsular Malaysia and a 662-km (411-mile) gas pipeline in Sabah, the Malaysian state on the island of Borneo.

Chinese state-owned firms are involved in all three projects.

“The decisions are solely directed towards the related contractors, relating to the provisions mentioned in the agreements, and not at any particular country,” the finance ministry said in a statement on Thursday.

“Do Not Want to Be Indebted to China"

Calling the halt was part of a negotiation strategy ahead of high-level government talks, said two other sources familiar with the government’s thinking, since the Belt and Road status of the ECRL makes a successful outcome critical for the Chinese.

“It’s sending a message to the Chinese,” said one of the sources, a senior finance ministry official. “They don’t want a failure to taint their name.”

Malaysia’s Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng has said Najib’s government understated the true cost of the ECRL, which was 50 percent higher, at $20 billion, than the earlier estimate.

Organized before his election victory, Mahathir’s first overseas visit as prime minister, to Japan last month, was nonetheless seen as a signal he would look beyond China for key foreign investment.

“We will be friendly with China, but we do not want to be indebted to China,” he said in Tokyo.

The post Malaysia’s Mahathir to Visit China After Putting $20B of Projects on Ice: Sources appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thailand Boat Accident: One Dead, 56 Missing After Tourist Boat Sinks

Posted: 05 Jul 2018 09:22 PM PDT

BANGKOK — A Chinese man has died and 56 other people are missing after a tourist boat capsized in turbulent waters off the coast of Thailand’s popular Phuket tourist island.

The boat, called the Phoenix, was carrying 105 passengers, including 93 Chinese tourists and 12 Thai crew and tourist guides, when it capsized, officials said on Friday. They said a rescue operation was underway to find the missing 56.

“One person is dead, 11 injured (2 have severe injuries, 5 minor) and 56 are missing. We continue to gather a team to search for them,” the Water Safety Department of the Harbor Department said.

“Forty-eight were saved,” it said.

The department said a dead man was pulled from the water.

The Royal Thai Marine Corps said in a statement that the Phoenix sank about 7-kms (5 miles) from the shore and the boat had sunk to a depth of about 38-40 meters (yards).

“We will search under the belly of the boat,” the Marines said.

The Chinese embassy in Bangkok said in a statement that it had requested the Thai government make all-out rescue efforts, and that it had sent a team to Phuket to help.

It added that the Chinese consulate in southern Thailand already had staffers on the scene helping its citizens.

The Serenta, another boat sailing in the same area, also capsized. The yacht was carrying 35 tourists, five crew and a guide. Most of the passengers onboard the yacht have been rescued but two are still missing, the department said.

Thailand is in the midst of its monsoon season, which begins in May and usually ends in October. The monsoon season often brings high winds to coastal areas and flash storms.

Thailand has poor road and boat safety records. Many tour operators have complained about lax enforcement when it comes to basic safety measures, including seatbelts in cars and lifejackets on boats.

More than 20 people were killed when a tourist boat carrying 150 people capsized in Thailand’s ancient city of Ayutthaya in 2016. Officials blamed the accident on overcrowding and reckless piloting.

Chinese tourists make up the biggest foreign visitors to Thailand, with numbers surging in recent years due to the increasing popularity of Thailand’s islands.

The post Thailand Boat Accident: One Dead, 56 Missing After Tourist Boat Sinks appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
Posted by at No comments:
Subscribe to: Posts (Atom)