Friday, August 24, 2018

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Analysis: The Rohingya Crisis and Kofi Annan’s Legacy

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 06:19 AM PDT

YANGON — This weekend is the one-year anniversary of both the final report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State and a major attack by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on government border posts in northern Rakhine’s Maungdaw Township. But the chairman of the commission and the architect of its ultimate report, Kofi Annan, will miss it. The former UN secretary-general died last week in a Swiss hospital at the age of 80.

Annan was offered the lead role on the commission by Myanmar’s de facto leader, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the first time a foreigner was invited to join the government’s efforts to address the country’s tortured relationship with its Rohingya minority .

The state counselor approached Annan only a month after a peaceful transfer of power from the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to the National League for Democracy in April 2016, well aware that the deeply rooted communal tension in Rakhine could become a major political obstacle during her tenure.

The commission was comprised of three international figures including Annan and six local experts. Its formation faced stiff opposition from the USDP and the Arakan National Party as well as from supporters of the ultranationalist group Ma Ba Tha. The commission was tasked with recommending solutions for a lasting peace in Rakhine State and a salve to the wounds of the deadly 2012 riots between its Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingya communities.

Nearly 100 people were reportedly killed in those riots and more than 100,000 Rohingya were displaced and evacuated to newly established camps on town outskirts to separate the communities and prevent further violence. For the past six years, the displaced Rohingya have been living behind barbed-wire fences without some of the most basic rights and unable to even leave the camps without permission without risking arrest. Some observers have labeled the facilities nothing short of concentration camps.

In an ambitious bid to tackle the profound discrimination and distrust and help rebuild a harmonious and diverse community, the advisory commission submitted its final report with 88 recommendations to the President’s Office on Aug. 24, 2017, followed by a press conference in Yangon. Only eight hours later, ARSA staged its attack in Maungdaw, killing several officers. The military’s response was swift and severe, reportedly unleashing a systematic campaign of arson, rape and extrajudicial killings and driving some 700,000 Rohingya to neighboring Bangladesh, doing heave damage to Myanmar’s reputation on the world stage in the process.

Kofi Annan and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi prepare for a meeting of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State in Yangon in September 2016. / Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy

The UN has called the military’s actions ethnic cleansing. Rights groups have urged the UN to bring the army’s top generals before the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. The US and EU have recently imposed targeted sanctions on senior army officers.

Praise abroad, rebuke at home

Despite the international criticism that began mounting against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi even after the military’s response to ARSA’s first attack in October 2016, and claims of genocide by some of her fellow Nobel laureates, Annan struck a moderate tone. Genocide, he said during a press conference the following December, “is not a charge that should be thrown around loosely.”

And in the face of a sharp deterioration in relations between Myanmar and the West after August 2017, the government maintained that it was dutifully implementing the advisory commission’s recommendations. The President’s Office went so far as to say that the commission was “a shield” for Myanmar against serious international repercussions.

Over the past year, the government has formed several more ad hoc bodies to tackle the crisis in Rakhine State comprising local experts. But their reports and findings have found little traction abroad, rather drawing criticism from the EU, UN, US and Organization of Islamic Cooperation. In the UN General Assembly, they have repeatedly urged Myanmar to allow Rohingya equal access to citizenship and to return to their original communities.

The advisory commission’s final report, on the other hand, has been widely welcomed and was applauded by the UN Security Council when Annan presented it in October. Myanmar has since gone on to sign deals with two UN agencies accepting their help to assist with the repatriation of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh, including a joint assessment of Naypyitaw’s resettlement plans.

Despite the positive international reception of the report, the military objected to its background section and urged the commission to avoid any mention of the armed forces’ partial control of the government. A statement from the Office of the Commander-in-Chief accused the report of “some flaws and shortcomings,” according to a report by the commission released in June reflecting on its work.

Among its final recommendations, the commission advised the government to: review its Citizenship Law, which denies citizenship to anyone claiming Rohingya ethnicity, and to streamline a citizenship application process that even normally takes years; guarantee freedom of movement to all groups; develop a strategy for closing down its camps for displaced people; facilitate inter-communal dialogue; simplify the security infrastructure in Rakhine State and monitor the performance of security forces there; and collaborate with Bangladesh on border issues.

The report also made several recommendations addressing infrastructure and economic development, health, education and the rule of law.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi quickly endorsed the recommendations it their entirety as a de facto roadmap for Rakhine State and appointed a committee to implement them, headed by Social Welfare Minister U Win Myat Aye. In a public address during a state visit to Singapore earlier this week, she said Myanmar had already implemented 81 of the recommendations, though she did not say which were the seven it had not.

“A generous, positive mold”

Though the commission’s mandate expired early this year, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has kept in touch with Annan by phone. During her address in Singapore, she said he took the time to talk, listen and offer encouragement. She praised the late chairman and said he remained committed to helping her even after the international fallout from the military’s latest crackdown in Rakhine.

Security forces search for suspects in an attack on border guard posts in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, in 2016. / Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy

“He agreed to take on the responsibility of advising us on how we might resolve deep-rooted problems in Rakhine because his nature was cast in a generous, positive mold,” she said.

“His approach was constructive and caring,” she added. “He wanted us to succeed, to reach our goals of peace, prosperity, security and progress for our country.”

U Win Myat Aye last met with Annan in June in Denmark, where he attended the commission’s launch of a report on lessons learned and joined him in a private meeting along with other Myanmar officials to discuss the Rohingya crisis.

“We are deeply saddened by his death because we recently met in Copenhagen and at the time he seemed in very healthy condition. We never heard about his chronic or serious fever. It’s a great loss for us,” U Win Myat Aye said.

He said the advisory commission’s recommendations were very useful and matched the priorities of Myanmar’s  civilian government, and that his own implementation committee was working to put more than 80 of them into effect. But he said a few of the recommendations would not be implemented any time soon because they conflicted with existing laws.

“He mostly told us that he wanted a peaceful and prosperous future for Rakhine and suggested holding peace talks at the grassroots level where the two communities could negotiate and exchange their points of view because peace comes through negotiation,” he said.

When asked whether the commission would have enjoyed the level of international goodwill that it did had it not included any foreigners, the minister said: “It doesn’t need much explanation, I think.”

The post Analysis: The Rohingya Crisis and Kofi Annan’s Legacy appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Tatmadaw Cracks Down on Posters Celebrating 71st Mon Revolution Day

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 06:08 AM PDT

MON STATE—The Myanmar Army (or Tatmadaw) has ordered that signboards announcing this weekend's commemoration of the 71st Mon Revolution Day be taken down or changed, on the grounds that they advocate rebellion against the central government amid the ongoing peace process between ethnic Mon and Naypyitaw.

Ethnic Mon residing in southern Myanmar had put up signboards around Mon State bearing a slogan commemorating the 71st Mon Revolution Day, to be celebrated on Aug. 26.

The Mon-language slogan says: "If you dare to do rebel, you will gain your freedom." When Myanmar Army officials realized the meaning of the slogan, they ordered the signs taken down.

Revolution Day commemorates the day in 1947 that a group of Mon attacked a police station with knives in order to seize weapons from police. That year, ethnic Mon first established armed groups to oppose the central government and fight for their ethnic rights.

The committee in charge of organizing 71st Mon Revolution Day celebrations put up the first signboards in Ye Township on Aug. 17, prompting an order from the Army that they be taken down for opposing the central government. In other townships, Army and state government officials have asked the New Mon State Party (NMSP) to tell the youths who put up the signs to cover up the slogan.

When ethnic Mon from other townships in Mon State also set up Revolution Day signboards, the Myanmar Army and Mon State government called on the NMSP to hold a meeting to discuss the signboards.

Mon State Security and Border Affairs Minister Colonel Win Naing Oo and Mon State Chief Minister Dr. Aye Zan met with NMSP leaders on Aug. 20.

Nai Hong Sar, the vice chairman of the New Mon State Party, told The Irrawaddy on Friday that, "They called a meeting with our members and said it was time the NMSP signed the NCA [Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement] and worked with the government to achieve peace. Therefore, the wording of the slogan is too harshly anti-government."

He said that, "Our members told [the Army] that we [the NMSP] did not arrange [the harshly worded posters]. Youths in Mon State created them," Nai Hong Sar said.

Col. Win Naing Oo said he asked the NMSP to tell the Mon youths to drop the slogan.

This is the first time the Tatmadaw has raised any objections to ethnic Mon celebrations of their revolution day since the NMSP agreed to a ceasefire with the central government in 1995.

The 71st Mon Revolution Day working committee agreed to drop the slogan, but continued to put up signboards in various townships in Mon State.

Nai Htor Pana Ong, a committee member helping to organize the celebrations in Mon State, reported that the Myanmar Army told them that it would not allow the committee to celebrate Revolution Day in towns in Mon State.

However, he said his committee still planned to celebrate the day as usual.

He said his committee had come up with a different slogan each year advocating support for "Mon Revolution" and had not had any problem with the Tatmadaw in the past.

"We are freely celebrating our revolution as usual. … Unfortunately [the Army] has made a problem about it this year," Nai Htor Pana Ong said, adding, "They told us that this slogan harms the peace process."

Ethnic Mon usually gather in their townships to celebrate Revolution Day. After that, they often travel to other townships to pay their respects before statues of Mon leaders who sacrificed their lives for the revolution.

The post Tatmadaw Cracks Down on Posters Celebrating 71st Mon Revolution Day appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

“Inflation Rate Spikes in May-July”

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 05:05 AM PDT

YANGON — Myanmar's inflation rates rose at the fastest pace in recent years during the three months from May to July this year due to the depreciation of the kyat against the US dollar, according to a monthly report by the Myanmar Statistical Information Service (MSIS), a department under the planning and finance ministry.

The MSIS report said year-on-year inflation accelerated to 7.56 percent from 5.90 percent during the three-month period.

The inflation rate for 2017 had been stable throughout, remaining between 3.40 and 4.45 percent. However, the 2018 year-on-year inflation rate increased in May to 5.90 percent, 6.45 percent in June and 7.56 percent in July.

Year-on-Year CPI inflation is computed as the change in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) for a given month compared with the same month of the preceding year in percentage terms.

The report said the inflation rate rose dramatically as a result of the dollar hitting a record high against the depreciating kyat, which affected imported products and also raised fuel and transportation costs. Since May, the value of the kyat has declined substantially.

Between April and May this year, the inflation rate was 0.17 percent, while between May and June it rose to 0.29 percent and from June to July, 0.44 percent.

The core inflation rate, which excludes the cost of food, non-alcoholic beverages and fuels, is also higher compared to last year. May saw an increase of 5.05 percent over the same month last year, 5.64 percent in June and 5.14 percent in July. The core inflation rate stayed within 3.40 and 4.11 percent for the duration of 2017.

The Consumer Price Index (CPI), which measures the average change over time in the price of a basket of consumer goods and services, has also significantly increased.

The CPI is usually calculated by examining prices across eight major consumer categories including food and beverages, housing, clothing, transportation, medical care, recreation, education and communication.

The CPI showed an increase between July and June this year at the following rates: food and non-alcoholic beverages increased by 1.59 percent; tobacco and alcoholic beverages increased by 3.37 percent; furnishings, household equipment and routine household maintenance by 0.58 percent; health by 0.33 percent; transport by 1 percent; recreation and culture by 0.18 percent; education by 0.12 percent and other non-food by 0.50 percent.

The overall CPI index increased by 7.56 percent compared to July 2017. Specifically, prices in the food and non-alcoholic beverages sector increased by 7.59 percent; tobacco and alcoholic beverages by 11.93 percent; clothing by 11.83 percent; furnishings, household equipment and routine household maintenance by 3.81 percent; residence lease and household equipment by 8.16 percent; health by 5.18 percent; transport by 11.75 percent; recreation and culture by 2.02 percent; and education by 6.80 percent.

The MSIS report said rice prices have been higher in 2018 due to floods, which have destroyed paddy fields and roads across the country. Moreover, the exchange rate instability has made fuel costs higher and as a result transportation costs have also risen in the country. MSIS suggested that the government contain the fluctuation of foreign exchange rates in order to reduce inflation rates.

In July 2018, the highest inflation among the 14 states and regions in Myanmar hit Mandalay with a 9.93 percent increase, followed by Rakhine State at 8.87 percent and Irrawaddy Region at 6.22 percent respectively. MSIS did not mention the reason for the differences between the states and regions.

(Photo: MSIS)

The post "Inflation Rate Spikes in May-July" appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Construction Ministry Disciplines Officials for Inflating Costs

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 03:53 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — The Ministry of Construction has disciplined some of its officials after it was found that an expense claim submitted to Parliament for the polishing of teak doors and other such fittings at the parliamentary buildings was three times the market cost.

A total of 580 million kyats ($347,000) was spent on polishing the teak doors as part of the annual maintenance of the parliamentary buildings for the 2017-18 fiscal year.

An investigative body was formed after the former chairman of the Joint Administrative Committee and deputy speaker of the Lower House, U Aye Tha Aung, questioned the expense during a meeting of the panel in April.

The investigation committee, led by lawmaker Daw Yin Min Hlaing of Magwe's Gangaw Township, found that the varnish was substandard and flaked off in some places. Further, it found the actual cost was just one-fourth of the bill submitted to Parliament.

"So, we asked the ministry to discipline the officials. Deputy Construction Minister U Kyaw Lin told me that a deputy director-general was forced to retire and others were demoted, and that the concerned company [that won the tender to polish the teak doors] was asked to return the money," Daw Yin Min Hlaing told reporters on Friday.

However, U Kyaw Lin declined to comment to the media.

The Construction Ministry’s Department of Human Settlement and Housing Development is responsible for certain maintenance tasks of the presidential residence and parliamentary buildings including polishing the teak doors.

The department was previously led by a deputy director general and a director, said spokesperson of the Construction Ministry U Myint Zaw, adding that he did not know if they were disciplined or not.

"We want to take action against bigger players and not pawns. This is an example," said U Aung U Aung Thaik, a member of the Joint Administrative Committee of the Union Parliament.

As of the 2018-19 fiscal year, the committee will require that the budgets for all maintenance work to be submitted for approval, he added.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Analysis: Why Was the Comedian’s Murder Case Dropped?

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 03:41 AM PDT

YANGON—What makes the withdrawal of the case against the accused murderers of Facebook comedian Aung Yell Htwe so controversial?

The public howled in outrage over the court's ruling to drop the case; lawyers, lawmakers and activists joined in the condemnation, calling for the officials involved in the decision to be investigated; and netizens launched a social media campaign titled "Failed Law". The heavy backlash also prompted President U Win Myint to take notice of the matter.

U Win Myint, who once worked as a lawyer, expressed his concern over the Aung Yell Htwe case during a meeting in Yangon on July 29 with Yangon Region administrative, legislative and judicial officials.

"I worked as a lawyer for years, but never heard the kind of disturbing news [with regard to the judicial sector] as I am hearing these days," he said.

Aung Yell Htwe, who became popular for the series of short comedy videos he posted to his Facebook account starting in 2016, died after being kicked and beaten by a group of men while attending a party last New Year's Eve with his girlfriend at The One Entertainment Park in Yangon's Thingangyun Township. The 24-year-old was brought to Yangon General Hospital and underwent emergency head surgery, but died hours later.

Three men were arrested, but after nearly six months of proceedings, the detained murder suspects were released on July 25 before any charges could be brought against them, after the Yangon Eastern District Court accepted an appeal from the victim's family asking to settle the case.

Lawyer U Htay said he was surprised when the investigation into the murder — which occurred in plain sight in a public place — was dropped, adding that he had never heard of such a thing happening in his 30 years of professional life.

Another prominent lawyer, U Thein Than Oo, who is also a founding member of the Myanmar Lawyers' Network, said the court's decision to drop the case while the investigation remained incomplete was very unusual.

Key witnesses not called

The court heard from 14 of 22 witnesses for the plaintiff, including three friends of the detained suspects, six security officers and staff of The One Entertainment Park, two Thingangyun Township administrative officials, the plaintiff Ko Thant Zin Oo (a brother of Aung Yell Htwe), and his father—neither of whom were at the scene when the incident occurred—as well as the comedian's girlfriend.

Well-known human rights lawyer Robert San Aung said the withdrawal of the case was suspicious, as the most important witnesses in the case, including the forensic pathologist and police investigators, were not heard from, and CCTV records were not produced.

The Yangon Region Attorney General's Office had responsibility for supervising the process of producing those witnesses and pieces of evidence, he said. The office is led by region Attorney General U Han Htoo.

According to court documents, the office found no solid evidence that the three suspects kicked and beat the victim, inflicting his fatal head injuries. Thus, the office approved the dropping of the case, saying there were insufficient grounds to continue.

The office's approval was submitted to the court, which ruled on July 25 to drop the case.

The suspects in the killing of Aung Yell Htwe arrive for a hearing at Thingangyun Township Court in Yangon on Jan. 18. (Photo: The Irrawaddy )

Its judgment stated that the court had allowed the withdrawal of the case because the plaintiffs wanted to settle; the eyewitnesses who had testified up to that point were unable to make definitive statements as to who inflicted the fatal head injuries; there was a lack of strong evidence implicating the accused; and the fact that the witnesses who had yet to be called were not the main witnesses in the case.

"How did the court know in advance that the statements from the remaining eight witnesses wouldn't be solid evidence for the case? Their decision was surprising and generous [to the accused]," said U Thein Than Oo, adding that the court should have called every witness on the list.

Contrary to police report

During the proceedings, Aung Yell Htwe's brother, who served as the plaintiff, and his parents testified that the victim had "heart disease" and that the incident was "an accident" between youths attending a party.

The initial police reports stated that Aung Yell Htwe had an argument with the suspects four days before he was attacked.

According to a Yangon Police statement on Jan. 4, suspect Than Htut Aung (a.k.a Thar Gyi)'s father brought his son to Thuwunna police station. Than Htut Aung testified to police that Pyae Phyo Aung (a.k.a Aung Lay) and Kyaw Zaw Han (a.k.a Kyaw Zaw) were also involved and that all three of them beat and kicked a man dancing on the VVIP stage who had argued with them before. The parents of the latter two also brought their sons to the police station.

"I suspect the withdrawal of the case was the result of corruption or threats," said Robert San Aung.

Testifying in court, Aung Yell Htwe's family denied they had been induced or threatened into dropping the case. They said they wanted to settle the case as the relatives of the suspects had taken the trouble to check on Aung Yell Htwe while he was hospitalized and apologized to them.

Police objections

Police objected to the withdrawal of the prosecution in March, soon after the victim's family appealed to settle the case.

Yangon Region police spokesman Police Major Hla Wai told The Irrawaddy, "We object, as felony crimes like murder and rape shouldn't be withdrawn."

Legal adviser U Khin Maung Myint said the judge should have carefully considered the objections of the police, who investigated the killing at the scene, collected evidence, and built a case before submitting it to the court.

However, the judge decided to drop the case without even calling the police investigator who made the objection to testify.

U Khin Maung Myint also pointed out that, strangely, it was witnesses for the prosecution — not for the defense — who claimed to have seen and heard nothing clearly. He said this could be a sign that witnesses were threatened or induced.

"The judge didn't make any cross examination to clarify doubtful points," he claimed, adding that the investigation was too loose.

Aung Yell Htwe advertises a supermarket's sales promotion. (Photo: Aung Yell Htwe / Facebook)

Presidential intervention

President U Win Myint said during the meeting on July 29 in Yangon that settling felony cases is important for the rule of law, pointing out that the state has the authority to continue the investigation in such cases.

"The court withdrawing a high-profile case because the plaintiff and defendant settle is pulling the wool over the eyes of the judicial sector," he said at the meeting.

In the following days, the president met the Union Chief Justice, Union Attorney General and Anti-Corruption Commission head and directed that a full investigation into the case be conducted.

Case to be reviewed

Amid the president's intervention and with public criticism mounting over the dropping of the case, the Union Attorney General's Office ordered the Yangon Region attorney general to annul the court's decision to drop the case and to continue the trial on July 30.

On the same day, the Yangon Region Attorney General U Han Htoo, who had approved the request of the victim's family to abandon the case, addressed the High Court to seek a review of the court's decision.

Lawyer U Thein Than Oo said he welcomed the review, saying the court's decision to drop the case was not a proper one and that the investigation needed to continue.

On the other hand, some lawyers, including defense lawyers, defended the court's decision, saying it was in line with the law.

In a video with local news outlet News Watch, defense lawyer U Chit Ko Ko said the district court's decision wasn't wrong.

"The decision was made in line with the law. Now they will review the case. They can do that. We will present [legal] arguments," he said.

The Yangon Region High Court will review whether to annul the lower court's decision after both the Yangon Region attorney general and the defendants present their arguments on Aug. 29.

Calling for justice

"A person was killed. Even if there is a single point of doubt relating to that, we must continue the investigation," legal adviser U Khin Maung Myint said.

He claimed that one of the main reasons cited by the court in its judgment allowing the withdrawal of the case — that it was not clearly established who inflicted that fatal head injuries — could encourage gang killings.

"It is really dangerous," he added.

The president's intervention in this case has been widely welcomed as a hopeful sign of a strengthening of the country's weak judicial system, which has long been renowned as one of the most corrupt institutions in the country.

Yet, the lawyers said it would be difficult to pursue the truth if the case was simply to resume from the point where it ended, and instead urged that it be re-investigated from the start.

If the investigation into the case continues, it will be necessary to call additional eyewitnesses who were with Aung Yell Htwe when the incident occurred, said veteran lawyer U Kyee Myint, who is also a co-founder of the Myanmar Lawyers' Network.

"This case is challenging rule of law in the country and threatening public security," U Thein Than Oo said.

"We can't allow the same result [after the president's intervention]. If there is not sufficient grounds to continue the case, it needs to be reinvestigated from the start."

The post Analysis: Why Was the Comedian's Murder Case Dropped? appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Following Name Change, Ex-Student Activist Party Officially Registers with Election Commission

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 03:24 AM PDT

MANDALAY — After struggling with criticism of its name, a new political party formed by prominent activists during the 1988 student uprising finally received the green light from the Union Election Commission (UEC) on Friday to be registered.

The UEC announced on Friday in state-run newspapers that the registration of 'The People's Party,' has been granted in accordance with the law for the registration of new political parties.

Initially, the party was named 'The Four Eights People's Party' and received criticism over the use of four eight digits (8888) which refer to the historical nationwide pro-democracy uprising against the Ne Win dictatorship that began, led by students, in Yangon on Aug. 8, 1988.

The registration of this new political party had been stalled as the UEC told the party founder to change its name after a series of complaints and rejections were reportedly sent to the UEC.

In early July, the party founder changed the party name to 'The People's Party,' dropping the 'Four Eights,' and then reapplied for party registration with the UEC.

Since their party is now registered as a new political party, they will submit lists naming their central committee members and party members within 90 days, according to the rules and regulations stated by UEC.

"We are now officially able to use our party name, logo and flag so we will begin recruiting party members," said U Ko Ko Gyi, one of the party founders.

"After that, we will have an election within the party to elect the central committee members and will submit the lists to the UEC," he added.

Although it is expected that U Ko Ko Gyi will be the party's chairman, he refused the suggestion saying that the party will announce the list of their central committee members only after their party elections.

On the other hand, due to the delays in their registration processes, the new party will be unable to participate in the upcoming country-wide by-election.

"Although we were late for the by-election, we have many things to prepare step-by-step for the upcoming election in 2020. We will first explain the ambitions of our party to the public and will accept those who want to be our party members," said U Ko Ko Gyi, who was one of the most prominent student leaders during the 1988 student uprising.

He said that The People's Party will become an alternative choice for the voter and that the party's aim was to foster the development of political pluralism so that people have many choices.

He also said that the party will work to provide services that improve people's daily lives; for the rehabilitation of former political prisoners and their families; and to allow former political activists who have returned from exile to be involved in the country's transition.

Early in 2017, U Ko Ko Gyi and his counterparts who were among the student leaders in the 1988 student uprising, started laying the foundations of the new political party. They first attempted to register the party in December 2017.

As their new political party has been successfully registered at UEC, The People's Party has become the first political party to be founded and run by student activists of the country's historic student-led uprising in 1988.

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Suspect in U Ko Ni Murder Trial Says Officials Framed Him

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 03:17 AM PDT

YANGON — Zeya Phyo, one of the suspects in last year's assassination of prominent lawyer U Ko Ni, said on Thursday the case against him was based purely on hearsay and false documents.

At a trial hearing yesterday, he said the only evidence in the case was testimony from a "so-called" witness, "false" information presented at a Home Affairs Ministry press conference, along with what he described as fake telephone records.

After U Ko Ni, who was also a legal adviser to the ruling National League for Democracy, was gunned down by Kyi Lin outside Yangon International Airport in January last year, Aung Soe, (a.k.a. Insein Aung Soe) said another suspect, Aung Win Zaw, had tried to hire him to kill a person some seven months before the assassination.

Kyi Lin, Aung Win Zaw, Aung Win Tun and Zeya Phyo have since been arrested and brought to trial, though Aung Win Khaing, who is believed to be the mastermind behind the conspiracy, remains at large. He was last seen in Naypyitaw in February 2017.

Zeya Phyo is charged with aiding and abetting an offender in murder. During the trial on Thursday at Yangon North District Court, he said the case was built solely on the accounts of Aung Soe and the statements of the Home Affairs Ministry.

He said time and again during previous trial hearings that the accounts of Aung Soe are baseless and the information released at the ministry's press conference was false.

He also claimed that the phone records detailing calls on his mobile phone submitted by the public prosecutor to the court as evidence of his communication with Aung Win Khaing were fake.

"The most important thing in this entire case is the call history. It [the call history submitted to the court] is not an official document released by the telecom operator. The telecom operator [records don't look] like that," Zeya Phyo told the media.

"And the call history record bears no official stamp [of the telecom operator]. Such a list can be printed easily with a printer. It's a fake," Zeya Phyo told the media.

The public prosecutor, showing the call history, called on Zeya Phyo to admit that he called the mobile phone of Aung Win Khaing one day before the assassination.

Zeya Phyo said he did not remember whether the phone number he was shown was that of Aung Win Khaing, adding that he made phone calls to several people at that time.

Aung Win Zaw, the brother of Aung Win Khaing, has testified at a previous trial that the phone number belongs to Aung Win Khaing. The public prosecutor pointed out that the phone was handed over by Aung Win Khaing’s wife during a police search.

Zeya Phyo insisted the call logs were false.

"The Criminal Investigation Department has officially requested the call history [from the telecom operator]," said public prosecutor U Robert San Aung.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Netizen Offends, Calls Riang ‘Cannibals’ and ‘Ghosts’

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 02:54 AM PDT

YANGON — A lawmaker filed a complaint with Myanmar's president after a netizen shared a live video on social media of a Ta'ang tribe, calling them cannibals and ghosts.

"I have filed complaints with the president, Ministry of Home Affairs, Ministry of Information, Upper House and Lower House," said Nan Moe, a Lower House lawmaker representing Mongton Township, in the Palaung Self-administered Zone in northern Shan State.

"I've made myself clear in the complaint that we will be satisfied only when harsh action is taken in accordance with existing laws," she said.

On Aug. 18, Daw Khin May Tun, a resident of Mongping Township in eastern Shan State, shared a live video on her Facebook account "Yuri Miko" of Riang tribal people walking on the Union highway in Namhsan Township, northern Shan State, stating that they are man-eating ghosts who have the power to disguise themselves as humans who can only be seen on moonless nights.

She circled back in her car, asking other netizens to watch with her.

The Riang tribe is a sub-ethnic group of the Palaung or Ta'ang, and those that were recorded on live video are local residents of Maemunglon village in Namhsan. They were celebrating their courtship ritual.

"Many people in Myanmar eat pickled tea leaves but they don't know that it is derived from the Palaung ethnic group. This video tarnishes the image of our tribe. There is no excuse for this," said Nan Moe.

On Wednesday, she met Union ethnic affairs minister Nai Thet Lwin and urged him to take action against Daw Khin May Tun.

The video went viral on social media and drew the ire of Ta'ang. Nineteen Ta'ang civil society organizations released statements denouncing the live video and demanding an apology.

"Her live video has been viewed by more than 300,000 people. Even if 100,000 understand the truth, the remaining 200,000 may be misled. This affects all Ta'ang people," said Tagu Kunsi, treasurer of the Namhsan Township Ta'ang Literature and Culture Association.

He said legal action would be taken against Daw Khin May Tun if she does not apologize according to the customs of Riang tribal people in Maemunglon village.

Mai A Mai of the Ta'ang Youth Empowerment Association in Namhsan Township said that Ta'ang youth would go to meet with Daw Khin May Tun on Saturday. "If she does not take responsibility, we will take action according to the law."

There are several sub-tribes in the Ta'ang ethnic group that live across Shan State, and their languages, customs, and clothing differ from one place to another. Riang are a minority tribe that has preserved its age-old customs.

The Irrawaddy was unable to obtain a comment from Daw Khin May Tun.

Though many Ta'ang people today wear modern clothing, many tribal people living in remote areas and rural villages still make their own cotton clothes and wear turbans, silver belts and earrings.

Riang men living in Maemunglon village never cut their hair until they reach an advanced age while women shave their heads once they get married.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko.

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Myanmar Citizens Out of Luck Under Proposed Gambling Law

Posted: 24 Aug 2018 01:39 AM PDT

NAYPYITAW — Myanmar citizens would not be allowed to gamble in the country’s casinos under the proposed 2018 Gambling Law, according to U Kyaw Soe Lin, secretary of the Lower House of Parliament’s Bill Committee.

"Casinos are intended for foreigners only," the secretary told The Irrawaddy, and would be used mainly to spur tourism and the national economy.

The new legislation would replace the existing 1986 Gambling Law, which was drafted by the Socialist Program Party of Burma.

The 1986 law does not meet the needs of the current administration and the penalties it prescribes are out of date, U Lin Lin Kyaw, a member of the Lower House’s Public Affairs Committee, told Parliament on Thursday.

He said casinos could become a useful tax generator for the government and would be good for Myanmar so long as they could be managed without harming citizens.

The bill did not specify who could or could not gamble at a casino when the government introduced it in Parliament. The Lower House Bill Committee later added a clause stipulating that Myanmar citizens would be banned, U Aung Hlaing Win, a lawmaker representing Yangon’s Mingaladon Township, told The Irrawaddy.

But with the country in the midst of a democratic transition, he said, the government should be encouraging citizens to make their own informed decisions.

"Under the new law, a Myanmar businessman will find it difficult to go inside a casino with his foreign business partners. I don't want citizens to be restricted unnecessarily. The Union government should be granted authority. If necessary, the union government can restrict gambling by citizens," he said.

In February, U Aung Hlaing Win submitted a proposal in Parliament urging the government to legalize casinos in Myanmar.

"It is because of casinos that Macau and Hong Kong do not have any foreign debt. While we have a huge deficit, they have large surpluses. The gambling industry has been the main source of income for them," he said.

The Bill Committee said the Home Affairs Ministry was also drafting other laws related to casinos and lotteries but had yet to submit them to Parliament.

Before submitting the new gambling bill to Parliament, the Public Affairs Committee held several meetings with the Bill Committee, Home Affairs Ministry, General Administration Department, Myanmar Police Force, Planning and Finance Ministry, Internal Revenue Department, Myanmar Investment Commission and Attorney General’s Office.

Although the existing Gambling Law bans casinos, a few, approved by the previous government, still operate on the island resorts of Myeik in Tanintharyi Region catering to tourists. Another casino near the Thai border in Myawaddy Township, Karen State, is reportedly owned by a colonel in a local border guard force.

The post Myanmar Citizens Out of Luck Under Proposed Gambling Law appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Vietnam Telecom Firm Viettel Eyes Philippine Market

Posted: 23 Aug 2018 10:48 PM PDT

HANOI — Vietnamese telecommunication company Viettel has set its sights on the Philippines as the next destination in its overseas expansion drive, the company said on Thursday, as the archipelago’s economy clears the way for the entry of a third operator.

Fixing the Philippines’ notoriously patchy and expensive telecom services was a campaign promise of populist President Rodrigo Duterte, who had said late last year that a third player would join the market and end the duopoly of PLDT Inc. and Globe Telecom Inc., which have a combined market capital of about $10.7 billion.

“Viettel is interested in the third license on telecommunications in this market,” the military-run Viettel Group, Vietnam’s largest mobile carrier by subscription numbers, told Reuters in an emailed statement.

“Viettel will thoroughly consider participating in case the conditions of the bidding documents are in line with the strategy of Viettel.”

The Philippines’ Department of Information and Communications Technology (ICT) issued draft rules this month on the entry of a third player, which require foreigners to team up with local partners holding congressional franchises.

Foreign ownership of a telecom firm in the Philippines is capped at 40 percent, although Eliseo Rio, the acting ICT head, told Reuters in a recent interview that moves were underway to change that, so foreigners can raise their stakes later on.

The Philippines has one of the world’s largest rates of average daily social media usage, yet insufficient infrastructure means its 105 million people suffer frequent dropped calls, weak signals and intermittent data.

Viettel has already invested in 10 countries across Asia, Africa and America, and had 43 million subscribers overseas, as of the end of 2017.

Last month, a Viettel official said the company was also eyeing opportunities in Ethiopia after the government there announced its intention to liberalize key economic sectors including telecommunications.

In June, Viettel and its local partners launched a $1.5 billion 4G network in Myanmar, making them the fourth telecom operator in the country.

The post Vietnam Telecom Firm Viettel Eyes Philippine Market appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Palm Oil Watchdog Urged to Take ‘Giant Leap’ to Save Forests

Posted: 23 Aug 2018 10:34 PM PDT

KUALA LUMPUR — The global watchdog for the palm oil industry must strengthen its standards to require all members to commit to ending deforestation — or risk becoming irrelevant, an increasing number of growers, investors and green experts say.

The Kuala Lumpur-based Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), comprising producers, buyers, consumers and advocacy groups, is conducting a review of its standards.

It aims to publish new guidelines in November that will cover the next five years.

Presently, the RSPO demands that its members not cultivate oil palm trees on land designated as primary forest or forest with a “high conservation value,” which includes important biodiversity, ecosystems and sacred sites.

“The standards are strong and tough, but that doesn’t mean they can’t be made stronger or tougher,” said Carl Bek-Nielsen, chief executive director of United Plantations, which grows oil palm in the world’s top two producers, Malaysia and Indonesia.

Bek-Nielsen, who also co-chairs the RSPO, called for “a total commitment” by all its members to zero deforestation.

“If they can address that big elephant in the room, they will not just take a big leap forward — it will be a giant leap forward and show a level of commitment unseen within the commodity sector today,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Palm oil is the world’s most widely used edible oil, found in everything from margarine to cookies, and soap to soups.

But the industry has come under unprecedented scrutiny in recent years — not only from the mounting influence of activists, but also from consumers — and has been blamed for deforestation, forest fires and exploitation of workers.

Faced with such pressures, many large palm growers have made pledges to slow or end deforestation, while major buyers like Nestle, PepsiCo and Unilever have committed to zero deforestation and to source only sustainable palm oil by 2020.

The RSPO faces the tough task of trying to please members with different interests at a critical time for the industry.

Investor Pressure

Ramping up the pressure, earlier this month about 90 institutional investors, including banks and pension funds, representing more than $6.7 trillion in assets under management, called on the RSPO to ban deforestation and clearing of peatlands, and to strengthen provisions for workers’ rights.

“RSPO is at a critical junction,” said Julie Nash, director of food and capital markets at US-based sustainability lobby group Ceres, which coordinated the letter.

“As we look at the trajectory of companies, we see… increasing commitments to zero deforestation.”

Nash said investors want an assurance of no deforestation from the RSPO because of reputation and market risks.

Without it, buyers would have to look for alternative ways of monitoring their supply chains to meet deforestation pledges, which could be costly and time-intensive, she added.

As a body encompassing a wide range of interests, with its infrastructure already in place, palm oil experts said the RSPO is unlikely to be replaced, even if some members drop out.

The RSPO has faced challenges in recent years, including advocacy groups withdrawing support and criticizing its stance on human rights abuses and its complaints panel.

In June, Nestle’s membership was suspended for three weeks after it failed to submit a report setting out how it would ensure the use of certified sustainable palm oil.

Earlier this year, British supermarket chain Iceland pledged to remove palm oil from its own-brand food by the end of 2018, saying it did not believe there was a sustainable form.

But companies working outside the RSPO umbrella could struggle to deal quickly with any problems in their supply chain, while credibility would also be an issue, experts said.

“Investors really want RSPO to succeed,” Nash said. “It is a Catch 22. If the standard no longer meets the prevailing needs of the buyers, it is hard to be able to grow market share.”

Credibility

Established in 2004 and backed by major buyers, the RSPO’s focus has been mostly on making large and medium-sized palm oil companies more sustainable, but in recent years it has begun to look at ways to work with smallholders.

While many RSPO members are pushing for tougher standards, some industry officials warn this could exclude palm companies that have yet to join, especially smaller growers who cannot afford to adhere to its standards and achieve certification.

Anne Rosenbarger, Southeast Asia commodities manager at World Resources Institute Indonesia, said RSPO has a vision to make sustainable palm oil the norm and transform the industry.

But it is trying to find a balance between making zero deforestation mandatory, and smoothing potential negative effects for poverty alleviation and rural development, she said.

Rosenbarger, who is working with the RSPO on the review, said the palm oil sector has a history of environmental and social impacts which have attracted international media and political attention in recent years.

“Now is the time where we really need to have the credibility in place to show that palm oil can be done sustainably — and to change that image,” she said.

Experts also said major palm oil buyers that have made deforestation commitments need to maintain demand for RSPO-certified palm oil, which accounts for about 20 percent of global production at 12.3 million tons.

With so many issues at stake, the review of the RSPO standards has attracted a high level of interest. Public consultations have so far resulted in more than 10,000 comments.

“The push to improve and better the standards is something we are listening to,” said Stefano Savi, RSPO’s outreach director.

“But we need to make sure we don’t set the bar so high that we allow other people who are not within the standards to go below it.”

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Two Films, Two Faces of Asia – Only One is Crazy Rich

Posted: 23 Aug 2018 09:20 PM PDT

KUALA LUMPUR/BANGKOK — Hit movie “Crazy Rich Asians” is grabbing headlines with its depiction of outlandish opulence but another Singapore film is making waves of a different kind by revealing the tawdry underbelly of Asian life.

Two hit films – two very different faces of Asia.

And analysts said this clash should sound an alarm, with the ascendant “Crazy Rich Asians” shielding a struggling underclass.

“It is a fun movie that celebrates Asian wealth. But it should also be seen as a warning, that Asia is losing its reputation for inclusive growth and sliding ever deeper into inequality,” James Crabtree, from Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

“Most countries in the region are becoming less equal, and some alarmingly so,” said Crabtree, an associate professor.

“Crazy Rich Asians” topped US and Canadian box offices on its debut weekend and has already sparked talks of a sequel, winning headlines for its all-ethnic Asian cast living lavish lifestyles in the city state of Singapore.

But it is the seedy reality of life at the bottom – often hidden in business-centric Singapore – that is depicted in the movie “A Land Imagined," which also debuted this month.

“It’s true that Singapore has the ultra rich side – the Singapore that people know,” director Yeo Siew Hua told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone from Singapore.

“At the same time, the income gap is large and the truth is that there is a very large base of low-waged working class and most of them are migrants,” Yeo said.

“As a filmmaker, I have a calling to give a voice to this side of Singapore that is not exposed cinematically.”

Missing Migrant

“A Land Imagined,” about the disappearance of a migrant worker from a construction site, offers a rare insight into the plight of Singapore’s relatively low-paid laborers.

The affluent Southeast Asian country counts on migrants – from countries such as Bangladesh, Myanmar and China – to fuel its powerhouse economy, and campaigners hope the film could spark a rethink around how they are treated.

“Singapore generally has a pro-business environment… we can do a lot more in tilting the balance more in favor of the workers,” Ethan Guo from migrant rights group, Transient Workers Count Too, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

The film debuted at the Locarno Film Festival in Switzerland and bagged the top award, a first for a Singaporean film. It is due for release in late 2018 after touring the festival circuit.

Eyes East

By contrast, the success of “Crazy Rich Asians” reflects a growing interest globally in Asia’s newfound wealth.

The rapid economic growth of countries from China to India has lifted millions out of poverty. But it has also widened the disparities. Inequality has risen since 1988, says the World Bank, with millions struggling to afford homes, and thousands more forced off their land for roads and mines.

“We hear that faster GDP growth will trickle down and lift up everyone, but we are only seeing increasing marginalization and exclusion,” said Shivani Chaudhry, executive director at advocacy group Housing and Land Rights Network in New Delhi.

“For all the talk of poverty reduction, we are seeing more people pushed into poverty,” Chaudhry said.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said in a speech earlier this month that the government is reviewing its education, healthcare and housing policies in order to strengthen social safety nets.

“We should frown upon those who go for ostentatious displays of wealth and status… that is not the Singapore way,” he said in a speech in May.

The Singaporean actress Tan Kheng Hua, who plays the mother of one of the lead characters, countered that the film was a reflection of Kwan's "specific perspective."

She told The Washington Post: "It's called Crazy Rich Asians, it's not called Every Singaporean.”

The post Two Films, Two Faces of Asia – Only One is Crazy Rich appeared first on The Irrawaddy.
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