Democratic Voice of Burma |
- Myint Myint Aye completes third day of hunger strike
- The rebel voice of 88 returns
- Burmese ironman takes the gold
- Biased refereeing at SEA Games?
- Suu Kyi says constitutional reform will unify military and people
- The real story behind the Mansi military offensive
| Myint Myint Aye completes third day of hunger strike Posted: 16 Dec 2013 04:00 AM PST Three farmers' rights activists have been on hunger strike in Pegu division's Paungde prison since Friday, 13 December, protesting their detention without trial. Myint Myint Aye, Khin Mi Mi Khine and Thant Zin Htet have been in custody for over six months without bail, awaiting charges under Section 6 of the 1988 Law relating to Forming of Organisations. The three activists were arrested in June of this year for assisting farmers in Nattalin township, Pegu division, in organising a protest against land confiscation. After attending more than 20 hearings for the case in Nattalin Township Court, last week the group vowed to stage a hunger strike if no verdict was reached by 13 December. Myint Myint Aye's younger brother, Toe Lay, said that they went ahead with the hunger strike as planned as no sentence was passed by the end of day on Friday. "They presented their argument at the Pegu Division Court against the charges – the court has yet to make a decision. There's still no verdict, so they have gone ahead with the hunger strike," said Toe Lay. Related StoriesThe group previously made the demand for a verdict to district-level courts, to no avail. Their lawyer Aung Thein said that they have resorted to a hunger strike because the divisional court has failed to respond to their case. "The closing arguments were heard on 20 November but the court is yet to pass a verdict," said Aung Thein. The prisoners have been on hunger strike for four days now. Rumours have circulated that they were in poor health and the prison's officials have been trying to give them an intravenous drip but only one of them accepted. Last week President Thein Sein met with praise for pardoning 41 political prisoners as part of his pledge earlier this year to eliminate all prisoners of conscience from Burma's jails by the end of 2013. DVB later reported that at least two people freed in the amnesty were re-jailed the same day. |
| Posted: 16 Dec 2013 03:28 AM PST Last September, Moe Thee Zun returned to Burma for the first time in 25 years, part of a wave of exiles coming home against a backdrop of tentative government steps towards openness and democracy. Forced abroad due to his leading role in the student-led uprising against military rule, he spent years fighting government forces in the jungles along Burma's eastern border with the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF) before migrating to the United States in 2001. Since his return, he has turned his attention to joining Burma's formal political system through the 2015 elections. He sat down with DVB's Rangoon correspondent, Alex Bookbinder, to discuss his political ambitions and the future of Burmese democracy. A: I plan to register the Democratic Party for a New Society [which he co-founded in 1988] as a political party here, and I want to join the election in 2015. That's one of my major duties here. My [American citizenship] is having a huge effect, because I just applied for my ID card. I'm already a Burmese citizen – they never stripped me of it – and so I'm asking them to issue me an ID card again. Once I have my ID card, I can join the political movement and found the political party again. Q: Do you think the approach you took in 1988 – taking up arms against the military and fighting the government – was the right thing to do, given how you are now attempting to embrace the formal political system? A: Of course. At the time, we had no other options. I founded the political party and wanted to solve political problems through political means, but the government showed, at the time, no option for our political party to participate. They put us under a lot of pressure, and arrested a lot of party members and supporters, and tried to threaten me as well. I managed to avoid arrest, and I joined the armed revolutionaries 25 years ago. Q: Did the presence of the students, fighting alongside the ethnic armed groups, help build trust? A: The role played by the ABSDF to build trust between the Burman majority and ethnic minorities was very effective, and we're very proud and happy to see the results of national reconciliation. Before the ABSDF joined with the ethnics, a lot of Burmese political parties didn't recognise federalism. The ABSDF was the first organisation to embrace federalism for the future of Burma. Now, you can see a lot of people talking about federalism – Burmese political parties in the cities inside [away from the border areas where the ABSDF operated]. Also, the ABSDF sent members on international delegations to support our democracy movement. At the time, Aung San Suu Kyi and other political leaders were under arrest, so only the ABSDF was on the outside. Even though we didn't have many resources, we tried to put Burma on the international agenda, and saw some results. Q: The figures who came out of 88 – yourself, the 88 Generation Students, the NLD – are very divided. What are the reasons for this and how can it be addressed? Do you want to unite? A: The regime didn't divide us – we divided ourselves. After 20 years away from each other, we have problems building trust among ourselves. There are big differences of opinion. For example, recent religious issues and crises – we have our own opinion and they have their own perspective. We need cooperation and coordination between our democratic camps – that's what we hope will happen, that we'll be able to take joint action to achieve some political goals, such as reforming the 2008 constitution. Some of the leaders are also, I think, not focused on human rights and democracy themselves. We tell them that whenever we meet them, and there's still a difference in opinion. It's a stressful situation when it comes to ethnic issues and religious issues. I want to see a more democratic approach – one that protects the rights and security of citizens, rather than state security and chauvinism. I hope they'll come back to our side. If we can't put up a united front, we won't reach our goals. We have to cooperate with each other based on democratic norms and values. Q: The whole notion of Rohingya identity and citizenship has driven a wedge through Burma's democracy movement. As these figures have ostensibly dedicated their lives to promoting human rights and democracy, why do they make an exception when it comes to the Rohingya? A: They're confusing democracy with nationalism and racism. I see the Rohingya issue – or whatever issue – as an immigration issue. If we can check immigration status, it's not an issue that should become an issue of nationalism. Developed countries have immigration issues, right? They should approach these issues through the law. If Burma is a democratic country, we have to give democratic and human rights for anybody who enters Burma. We can't forget that, at ground level. There are millions of Burmese living illegally in Thailand, Malaysia, etc. These are immigration issues and we have to live under their laws. Some Rohingya enter Burma illegally, and some were already born here. We have to check. If they are born here and have lived here for a long time, we have to grant them citizenship. We have to treat all people like humans. If some people violate Burma's immigration laws, ok, we can send them back. The solution is for the government to act in a democratic way and work to improve immigration regulations. It's not a big deal. Q: Some "crony" businessmen have gotten close to activists and opposition politicians over the past year, such as Zaw Zaw's presence at the 88 Generation Silver Jubilee and Tay Za's donation to the NLD's education fund. Now that there's all this money floating around, how does it impact the effectiveness and quality of activists' work? A: After 2010, activists have hit hard economic times. They can't support their activities themselves to achieve their goals. The government needs to grant political and civil institutions funding, but it denies them [funding]. The government now recognises that democratic forces are necessary for democratisation, and at that point some cronies and businessmen got involved and provided donations. In some ways, it's necessary. In 1988, we received funding from some rich people. But we used it for the good of the people and the movement. From my point of view, democratic institutions can use the funding from cronies who donate sincerely – not ones with political goals. To use their funds for education, to use them for political activities, for reconciliation between diverse groups. But cronies shouldn't use activists for their own personal platforms. Q: You're very critical of land issues, for one. But this is something a lot of these businessmen are deeply involved in – they steal land, or they benefit from military land grabs. How will the cronies fit into a democratic system if they don't play by democratic rules? A: The government should be aware of the crisis situation when it comes to land in Burma, and take it very seriously. It is dangerous, what they're doing and what's happening right now. Land is a vital resource for the general public. Millions of people have lost their land, and the peace process is also impacted by land issues. The government needs to come up with a land tenure policy and distribute the land, otherwise people cannot survive. It will become a headache for the government. The government's plan is mostly geared towards courting outside support and outside investment. But their expectations have not been met. Q: The government is pushing for a nationwide ceasefire now. Do you think this is a valuable exercise? Of course, the nationwide ceasefire is valuable, if the government can make it happen in a practical sense. The government should review all its past policies. It's not a perfect solution for the country, but time is running out for both the government and the opposition. It's time to cooperate and listen to different suggestions and have a diversity of opinion. |
| Burmese ironman takes the gold Posted: 16 Dec 2013 01:19 AM PST Video: Highlights from the men's bodybuilding final in Rangoon A smiling Min Zaw Oo flexed his muscles and struck a number of impressive but terrifying poses to shouts of applause to win gold for Burma in the SEA Games men's bodybuilding 80kg category on Sunday. Thailand's Khuntal Phaungphet took the silver and Indonesia's Komara Dhita Jana settled for bronze. Draped in the Burmese flag, Min Zaw Oo stood on stage with the Thai and Indonesian contestants, and proudly watched as his country's flag was raised to the national anthem. Related StoriesThe bodybuilding event was held at the Myanmar Convention Centre in Rangoon over the weekend and had five weight categories: 55kg, 60kg, 70kg, 80kg and 90kg. Later that day the men's 90kg category took place and Ngai Hoeng Wong from Malaysia took the gold. In bodybuilding, contestants perform poses and individual routines to a panel of judges who score them on their muscularity, symmetry and conditioning. |
| Biased refereeing at SEA Games? Posted: 16 Dec 2013 01:09 AM PST The 27th SEA Games is on course to being remembered as a defining moment in Burmese sports history. But not everybody is happy: the sports authorities and media from several Southeast Asian countries have pointed to what they have called "biased" or "questionable" judging in many of the events. Malaysia's national martial arts coach Yoong Thong Foong slammed the judging in Naypyidaw during the wushu competition, saying Malaysia's world champion in nandao, Ho Mun Hua, was robbed of the gold medal when the judges awarded it to Burma's Wai Phyo Aung on 9 December. "It is embarrassing for the sport,” he was quoted as saying by the Straits Times, before adding: "I believe the concerned parties should look into it." Then at the karate events on Friday, Vietnamese and Indonesians were apparently "fuming" over what they deemed unfair refereeing. Both teams accused the judges of siding with their opponents. Vietnam's women's kata team burst into tears when Burma was awarded a 4- 1 victory. The Vietnam team said their athletes had demonstrated perfect routines during the competition, according to the Jakarta Post. "It's unfair," said Vietnam's karate coach Cong Le. Then on Sunday the Philippines weighed in on the issue after its boxing team had failed to win more than three golds, again with officials leveling criticism at biased judging in favour of Burmese opponents. Ed Picson, executive director of the Association of Boxing Alliances of the Philippines, called it "robbery in broad daylight". The allegations of biased judging come soon after a DVB interview with Than Toe Aung, the coach of the Burmese women's football team, who said that he expected "favour" from the referees as the home team, though he hastened to add: "I mean within the boundary of the rules and regulations …" DVB asked Burmese sports writer Soe Nyi on Sunday if he had seen anything controversial with the referees' and judges' decisions. "There were some disputable situations in some matches," he said, "but generally there was no favouritism by the referees towards the Burmese teams just because we are hosting the games." Meanwhile, a report by The Irrawaddy on 11 December suggested that Burmese football fans had insulted and sworn at opposition Thai fans. At the Thailand v Timor Leste match, it is alleged that a group of local supporters unfurled a poster of King Alaungpaya and chanted songs about how Burma had invaded the Siamese capital of Ayutthaya centuries ago. The report also said that some drunken Burma fans had harassed Thai female fans and made lewd gestures at them. Ahead of the games, Burma had promised increased security in the wake of several violent incidents at football matches, including a game against Oman in 2011 when Burmese fans pelted the opposition team with missiles. But sports writer Soe Nyi said that the majority of Burma's fans turn up with one desire – to support their team and see it win. "Some may have acted out of line, but it was just a handful," he said. "There was no intention of insulting the foreign athletes." He said that football matches in general tend to "get a bit rowdy" but conceded that Burmese fans "are not familiar with the etiquette of international matches". |
| Suu Kyi says constitutional reform will unify military and people Posted: 15 Dec 2013 10:28 PM PST Speaking to party supporters in her Rangoon constituency on Saturday, National League for Democracy (NLD) chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi said her endeavours to amend the constitution should not be seen as opposition to the military, rather as an attempt to unify the military and the public. Lower House MP for Kawmu Suu Kyi said she sees the 2008 constitution as designed to use the military as a scapegoat whenever an issue arises that upsets the public. "Our endeavour to amend the constitution, to take a leadership role in the national politics, does not mean we oppose the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces] and we would like everyone to know our intention is to unify the Tatmadaw and the public," she said. "I see that the current constitution, while not only inciting enmity between the army and the people, was designed to use the Tatmadaw as scapegoats whenever issues arises that upset the public." She also reminded the public not to misjudge the military. "When the 25 percent of military representatives in parliament oppose the ideas proposed by the 75 percent of civilian representatives, people should not regard this as the Tatmadaw opposing their desires – the way I see it, the military MPs are just being used as scapegoats." Related StoriesSpeaking at the same event, NLD Central Executive Committee members Win Myint and Htay Oo lectured the 30,000 attendees on how the constitution should be amended. According to the party's own survey, some 99 percent of those at the rally wished to see the constitution amended rather than completely rewritten. The party also conducted a survey in Pegu division's Thayarwaddy township on 15 December. The township's NLD secretary Kyaw Naing Oo said 95 percent of the 35,000-40,000 people who joined in said they wished to see the constitution amended. A recent survey in Naypyidaw on 18 November was joined by around 20,000 people, 88 percent of whom expressed a desire to see the constitution amended, according to the NLD, while a previous survey in Rangoon on 10 November saw 99 percent in favour. The NLD has been on a road trip conducting public surveys across the country to gain support for its proposal to either amend or rewrite the 2008 constitution – findings that are due to be submitted to the parliament's Joint-Committee for Reviewing the Constitution. On Monday, 16 December, EU member states are expected to back the NLD's call to amend the constitution at a meeting in Brussels, according to European diplomats cited by the Financial Times. Tying its recommendation closely to Suu Kyi's bid to change electoral laws to allow her to run for president in 2015, the report said the bloc's foreign ministers will warn Burmese leaders that, without free and fair elections, Burma risks returning to a state of civil unrest and erasing the pro-democracy reforms it has undertaken since 2010. |
| The real story behind the Mansi military offensive Posted: 15 Dec 2013 08:53 PM PST During this year's October talks between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Union Peace-Making Work Committee, the two sides agreed to take steps to further de-escalate hostilities between the KIA (the armed wing of the KIO) and the Burmese army, with a view to ending armed clashes. But the truth of the matter is that fighting erupted just within days of the meeting. The clashes began when the Burmese army attacked a KIA post near Man Hkawn village in the KIA-held territory of Mansi township on the Mansi-Je Hkam Road in southern Kachin State. The army then went on to seize the village of Namlin Pa, which hosts a large camp and school for about 1500 internally displaced people (IDP). Government troops bombarded the village with firepower before taking control of it. The IDP camp was surrounded, and 700 students and 34 teachers were held hostage in the school hall. After weeks of terror-filled forced confinement and food shortages, the villagers and IDPs fled Namlin Pa in droves. It was up to local NGOs to go collect them from their hiding places in nearby paddy fields and jungles and resettle them in other IDP camps. As a result, the existing IDP population of 100,000 in Kachin state has swollen by about 13,000. The Army, as usual, explained away the assaults and mistreatment of IDPs with less than truthful accounts. Despite contrary reports by national and international journalists like Korean photojournalist Lee Yu Kyung and Nan Lwin of Mizzima News, NGOs and local residents, Gen. Tun Tun Naung, the Myitkyina-based Northern Region Commander, told members of the Peace-talk Creation Group (PCG) that military activity in the area was necessary to control illegal logging, conduct military training exercises, and for better interaction with the local population. Gen. Tun Tun Naung reiterated the same views to IDPs from Tar Law Gyi, as they prepare to return to their village from camps in Myitkyina. He told them it was not true that the army had driven out villagers from Namlim Pa. He said the army had actually gone there to help civilians, and the fighting had been the result of a misunderstanding. Lt. Gen Myint Soe of the Bureau of Special Operations No.1, who represents the Commander-in-Chief in the peace talks, also said in an interview with VOA Burmese that the fighting in Mansi township was due to illegal teak logging and car imports. Asked why fighting was still taking place in the Kachin area despite on-going peace talks, Myint Soe challenged the VOA interviewer to name the battle locations, and conjectured that the reported fighting might not even be between the KIA and the Burmese army, insinuating that the battle reports were nothing more than media generated sensational stories. He went on to say that the two sides had agreed to take steps to reopen the roads in Mansi township, and that they were carrying out the said agreement. Related StoriesEven as the two sides were preparing to meet for talks in October, the Burmese army was increasing deployment to the Kachin-Shan border, apparently in preparation for the Mansi offensive. At least 16 Infantry Battalions from the Theinni-based 16th Military Operations Command (MOC-16) and the Bhamo-based 21st Military Operations Command (MOC-21), took part in these operations. The KIA, in the meantime, had withdrawn its troops stationed along the Mansi-Je Hkam Road, in keeping with the October agreement. The Burmese army now has full control of the roadway, which is the main commerce and communication artery of the area. As of early December, KIA field commanders are predicting the clashes to intensify as two new Burmese army columns have been seen approaching KIA positions in the Mansi area. Truckloads of arms and munitions have also been seen headed towards Man Win Gyi in southern Kachin state from Namhkam in northern Shan state. It seems that the Army is fortifying positions there with increased man-power, arms and provisions to realise its strategy of severing connections between the KIA's 4th Brigade stationed in northern Shan state with its 3rd Brigade in southern Kachin state. The motives behind these latest offensives may be many and varied, but local analysts believe the current offensives are meant to pressure the KIO militarily to sign an agreement on the government’s terms. The KIO had been hesitant to sign another ceasefire agreement, consistently resisting the Government delegation's repeated urgings for a ceasefire deal. The 17 years of ceasefire experience has taught the KIO to be more wary of signing another ceasefire without receiving assurances from the government to proceed to genuine political dialogue. The assaults may also be part of the Army's agenda to secure more ethnic lands before any agreement is reached between the government and the KIO. The army is making it abundantly clear to the KIA that as long as there is no signed ceasefire agreement, it will carry on with its area clearing plan, eventually eliminating all ethnic armed resistance, with the KIA as a prime example. The KIO for its part believes that a political solution through negotiations is the only answer to achieving permanent peace, and is holding fast to its demands for political dialogue. One overriding reason for clearing the area of KIA presence seems to be to protect the joint economic interests of the Chinese and Burmese governments. The aim is to push out the KIA from west of the Bhamo-Man Win Gyi Road and drive it eastward all the way to the China-Burma border, allowing the army to take total control of the Nong Dao border gate, located 7 miles from Man Win Gyi. All this is obviously to prepare southern Kachin state for infrastructure projects agreed upon with the Chinese government. China has a major plan to extend the Guangtong-Dali railway, in landlocked Yunnan, westward, connecting it to Myitkyina and India so that it finally connects with European railway networks. The envisioned Trans-Asian Railway that starts from Yunnan's capital Kunming and ends in Singapore, will connect landlocked Southwestern China with Southeast Asian countries. According to Li Wenbing, Deputy Director of the Yunnan Development and Reform Committee, the western line of the Trans-Asian Railway will start from Kunming, passing Dali, Baoshan, Ruili, Mangshi, Tengchong and end at the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina. Chinese government officials in Baoshan have said areas along the proposed railway are rich in natural resources and thus the region’s economic prospects are bright. Officials in both countries said that they have planned to construct Myitkyina-Dali and Lashio-Dali railways. In addition, Chinese officials donated river barges to the Myanmar Inland Water Transportation Department for transportation of heavy goods on the Irrawaddy River between Bhamo and Mandalay. When all is said and done, the Mansi offensives boil down to attempts at territory control to make way for infrastructure and economic projects that benefit the powerful elite in the army and their Chinese counterparts, at the expense of local lives and livelihoods. Given the fact that military offensives are ongoing, the question of whether the Burmese government is really sincere and honest in its attempts at achieving peace in the country needs to be addressed by the Union Peace-making Central Committee led by President U Thein Sein and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing before going on to the next step in the negotiations. If this trend continues, ethnic armies will have no other option but to opt for a military solution, and peace in Burma will again be a distant ideal as it was before. Brang Hkangda is an editor of the Kachinland News's English Website. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect DVB editorial policy. |
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