Thursday, August 1, 2013

Shan Herald Agency for News

Shan Herald Agency for News


2008 charter dumped by Chiangmai conference

Posted: 01 Aug 2013 03:46 AM PDT

 
The 3 day Ethnic Conference organized by the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) that ended yesterday had overwhelmingly spurned the military-drawn and adopted 2008 constitution, following a 3-hour long debate.

Cover: Constitution of the Reputblic of the Union of Myanmar
One participant had called the 194-page composition drafted under the close guidance of the "retired" strongman Than Shwe as an attempt "to prolong the military dictatorship and keep the ethnic peoples under perpetual slavery."

To a representative from the Women's League of Burma (WLB), it is a "fearsome" document, as it was written by soldiers who uphold no respect for the womenfolks.
The resolution was to draft a new constitution, despite counsel from some that it would mark a head-on confrontation with the military.

The meeting was also like-minded on several other topics:

  • Change, as one put it, is just "oil on the water's surface." The country is just "going through the motions" but change has yet to come
  • A nationwide ceasefire agreement without adequate guarantees of a political dialogue and monitoring mechanisms is unacceptable
  • After two years of ceasefire and peace talks, there is little trust between the two sides ("Documents captured in battles still call us 'insurgents' and stress 'total annihilation,'" said a Shan State Army representative)
  • The President's 8 point guidelines for peace talks received a resounding rejection ("The government is out for negotiated surrender, not negotiated settlement," said Dr Lian H.Sakhong)

The elephant in the room was whether the Working Group for Ethnic Coordination (WGEC), from which the UNFC had withdrawn in June, would be holding a rival "Ethnic Nationalities Conference", as announced earlier on 11 July.

But as reported on 18 July by SHAN, the remaining WGEC members, particularly the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), upon receiving reports that the UNFC had already called for an "Ethnic Conference for Peace and Reconciliation", said a parallel conference would only serve to confuse the people both at home and abroad. "We are not going to cut off our nose to spite our face," said a participant.

An unconfirmed report said the WGEC may be planning to hold a conference inside Burma.

The UNFC organized conference was attended by 18 armed groups, including its 11 member organizations. Others are: United Wa State Party (UWSP), National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Karen Peace Council (KPC), Democratic Karen Benevolence Army (DKBA), Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) and Arakan Army (AA).

Political sequence, legitimacy and bargaining in Burma

Posted: 01 Aug 2013 03:45 AM PDT

 
By: Sai Wansai
Thursday, 01 August 2013

The new political entity "Union of Burma" came to life in 1948, due to the Panglong Agreement in 1947. So it is first, the Panglong Agreement, followed by 1948 Constitution.
Sai Wansai
As all know, that successive military government – Revolutionary Council, BSPP, SLORC, SPDC and now military-dominated Thein Sein regime – have failed to honour the Panglong Agreement, which calls for a genuine federal system of governance.

Because of the military clique breaching the contractual obligation, the Union of Burma formed in 1948 is, in a legal sense, no more in existence. This brings us back to a pre-Panglong Agreement period, where political bargaining has to be restarted anew.

According to DVB report on 30 July, Harn Yawnghwe said: ""You are negotiating with a government, which is in power because of this constitution. So there's no way of getting around accepting this government if you want to talk to them, and there's no way of getting around accepting this constitution if you want to talk to them."

So when Harn Yawnghwe said that the ethnic armed groups must accept the military-drawn 2008 Constitution and recognised Thein Sein government as a pre-condition, to go to the negotiation table, it is somewhat illogical.

The sequence should be: first political settlement, i.e., Panglong-like Accord; second, nation-wide ceasefire; and third, amendment or rewriting of a Union Constitution.

It is true that Thein Sein regime is now being accorded with legitimacy by international community, partly to encourage him and his team, which are considered to be reformers; and mainly out of economic interest, as the last remaining virgin market left to be exploited, paving way for the lifting of various sanctions. Whatever the case, for the non-Burman ethnic nationalities, Thein Sein regime remains a de facto government and not de jure, which comes to life only through a series of orchestrated manipulation; from self-drawn, military-favoured, 2008 Constitution, rigged constitutional referendum to flawed 2010 general elections.

Such being the case, the non-Burman ethnic groups see Thein Sein regime and the Burmese military as a negotiating partners or adversaries and not as a government that is entitled to speak for the whole country. That is why the non-Burman ethnic groups have insisted upon a tripartite dialogue, involving the government plus military, democratic opposition groups and non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

Some elements from the non-Burman side want to consider Thein Sein regime as partner in the reconciliation process. But although Thein Sein maybe forthcoming with promises, tangible results still need to be seen. In other words, forming a coalition, or becoming subordinate to Thein Sein regime is an ill-thought out strategy to fight for one's political, national aspiration. In short, all non-Burman ethnic groups should see clear and transparent that Thein Sein regime is an adversary in negotiation table and not partner.

Finally, the non-Burman ethnic nationalities should stick to their common goal of achieving the rights of self-determination, democracy and equality, if they still want to be a potent force at the bargaining table with the adversaries.

The contributor is the General Secretary of Shan Democratic Union (SDU) - Editor

More military beefing-up in areas between Wa, Shan

Posted: 01 Aug 2013 03:44 AM PDT

 
The Burma Army is sending reinforcements into areas that link the Shan State Army (SSA) North with its ally the United Wa State Army (UWSA) on the eastern bank of the Salween, according to local sources.

This is in spite of the fact that both the SSA and the UWSA have signed ceasefire agreements and Naypyitaw had, on 12 July, met Wa leaders that defused the tension along the Thai-Burmese border between the two sides.

Car in Wa controlled area

During last week, Chinese made Dong Feng six-wheelers had arrived in the Loi Khawk mountain on the west bank of the Salween in Tangyan township. "There were 6 trucks each carrying no less than 30 troops," said Maj Naw Lake, liaison officer for the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), as the SSA North is officially known.

Another convoy of trucks had arrived at Loi Khio in Monghsu township, further south of Loi Khawk, according to a local elder. "People are worried there will be more fighting," he said.

The SSA and the Burma Army have been playing a cat-and-mouse game further north in Namtu township. The two sides have not stopped fighting, even though the SSA had signed a ceasefire on 28 January 2012, more than 18 months ago.

"The Burma Army appears to be trying to cut the territorial links between the Wa on the east bank and the SSA, Kachin and Palaung resistance armies on the west bank," commented a long-time border watcher from Thailand. "It is a known fact that the Wa has been supplying these groups with arms and ammo."

There has been reports of Burma Army units moving into vital Salween crossings north of Tangyan, where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) are active.

Meanwhile, Burmese authorities have demanded Panghsang, the Wa headquarters, present a list of their motor vehicles, especially those with NW (Northern Wa) and SW (Southern Wa) number plates that were imported tax-free during the period when Gen Khin Nyunt was in power. "Panghsang has yet to respond," said a Monghsat local.

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