Wednesday, September 11, 2013

Democratic Voice of Burma

Democratic Voice of Burma

Govt fails to meet Arakan demands at Chiang Mai meeting

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 03:38 AM PDT

Monday's meeting in northern Thailand between the armed Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) and the Burmese government's Peace-making Work Committee ended without the sides reaching any accord.

The news is a setback for Naypyidaw's hopes that the meeting would set the stage for union-level ceasefire talks at a later date.

Khaing Soe Naing Aung, the deputy-chairman of the ALP, said that the Chiang Mai meeting was the fourth time that the Arakan militia had sat down for negotiations with a government delegation since agreeing a state-level ceasefire deal in April 2012, but said that there have been no developments since.

"The government negotiators said they would only discuss certain issues after we signed a union-level ceasefire agreement in October," he said.

"They cited the Arakanese– Bengali [Rohingya] riots as a reason for not yet meeting the demands we made during the first and second meetings – to allow us business privileges; opening a liaison office; and a demarcation agreement – just like the deals they made with other groups.

"However they insisted that peace and calm are restored to the region before this can go ahead," said Khaing Soe Naing Aung who led the ALP delegation alongside Saw Mra Raza Lin. The government team was headed by President's Office Minister Aung Min and Immigration Minister Khin Yi.

The ALP and the government signed a state-level ceasefire deal on 5 April 2012, under a five-point plan: work toward an end to the conflict; open ALP liaison offices in Paletwa, southern Chin state, and Kyauktaw in Arakan; demarcation of boundaries; informing each other when armed group members travel or make incursions into the other's territory; and a provision that talks continue as a step toward an eventual peace process.

The ALP, which is the leading ethnic militia in Arakan, has been fighting for greater autonomy and rights in Burma since the 1970s.

Religious leaders sign ‘peace agreement’

Posted: 11 Sep 2013 03:08 AM PDT

Prominent Buddhist monks signed a “peace agreement” with representatives of the Muslim and Christian communities on Tuesday in Rangoon, a symbolic move after more than a year of communal violence that has raged across the country.

Buddhist monk Wirathu spearheads the nationalist “969″ movement, which has been accused of spreading anti-Muslim sentiment and stirring the communal violence.

"We found many root causes of the riots and we found solutions to stop the riots," said Wirathu. "If we use these solutions to stop the mobs, our country could achieve peace in the long term. That’s why I came here and signed an agreement to promote peace.”

The informal accord proposes the setting up of direct communications between Buddhist and Muslim leaders at a national level to try to prevent further violence.

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Shwe Kyi, an activist who signed the agreement on behalf of the Muslim community, said it was important to stop extremism in all religions.

"We have extremists on both sides, just like the monk said. We have to stop them as much as we can so that we can build peace among the two communities,” he said.

On Tuesday, the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee issued a directive banning the formation of a 969 monks network. The directive prohibits the 969 logo from being used as a symbol for Buddhism.

The interfaith peace agreement is the first of its kind; however questions remain over whether the leaders of the rival communities can put aside their differences and cooperate.

Self-determination and constitutional reform in Burma

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 10:47 PM PDT

Numerous scholars and political leaders have defined the principle of self-determination differently in various contexts. Although the concept of self-determination was first made popular by US President Woodrow Wilson in his four-point proposal to end the First World War, other politicians, including Stalin and Lenin, also wrote extensively on the subject. But almost all of them commonly expounded the principle on the basis of nation states. Their concept of self-determination, therefore, is directly related to sovereignty of, and often applied to, nation states rather than autonomy of ethnic nationalities within a nation state.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, Article 1 of the United Nations Charter calls upon member states "to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples".  Although it talks about "self-determination of peoples", the principle primarily applies to the nation-state as a basic unit.

For the ethnic nationalities of Burma, or Myanmar, the concept of self-determination has to be articulated and understood in the context of one country with many ethnic nationalities. The need, in fact, is to articulate a similar but separate set of principles of equal rights and self-determination that binds all the nationalities, including the majority Burman, as equal partners within a union. That is, all the ethnic nationalities must feel they equally co-own the country, and by virtue of their right to self-determination, they shall freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

This, in practice and at minimum, means that ethnic nationalities should be able to elect their own political leaders who can represent their interests; have a legal say in how natural resources in their land are extracted and wealth gained is distributed; and have the right to learn and use their own language in their own state.

Even the preservation of territorial integrity of the country must be a joint responsibility of all, not one single group, be they the majority or minority. All these principles – as the Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon, Shan, etc, have long argued – must be enshrined in the constitution, whether by means of amending the one currently in force or drafting a new one as the United Nationalities Federal Council has called for.

Now that calls for amending the country's constitution are gradually gaining momentum, it is extremely crucial that amendments are made so to address and balance the two overarching political concerns of the country – right to self-determination of ethnic nationalities, and non-disintegration of the union.

Historically, military governments, which had ruled the country by brutal force for the past 50 years, have chiefly concerned themselves with the non-disintegration aspect, but never intended to establish a real "union." In fact, there was never really a union of Burma to disintegrate to begin with.

The priority at this juncture is to start with the establishment of a genuine union within which ethnic nationalities can coexist and their right to self-determination is constitutionally guaranteed. Thereafter, talks about how to best preserve such a union can be meaningfully continued.

Either on the surface or in essence, the fact is that a series of changes have taken place in Burma, both in the domestic political landscape and its international relations. To whose benefit these changes are taking place, of course, is another question. And, whether the current process of transition will, in the long run, sustain itself or not is largely uncertain.

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Nonetheless, the international community was quick to lift almost all the economic sanctions imposed upon the country. Leaders from countries around the world have visited Naypyidaw and praised President Thein Sein and his somewhat reconciliatory tone towards the once badly-beaten oppositions. Upon announcements of the United States and European countries to resume international aid to the country, many international NGOs flooded into Rangoon, eager to plant their feet on the ground ahead of funding opportunity.

Domestically, the government was able to cut ceasefire deals with more than a dozen ethnic armed organizations without reducing or removing any of its troops stationed in ethnic areas. With political capital gained from these ceasefire deals, both the president's office and the parliament have begun to feel some level of confidence to talk about constitutional change, although the scope and real intent of such talks are not yet known.

On a more positive note, some domestic media have also begun to talk about the need to amend the current constitution. Most ordinary people in Burma appear to understand now that some sort of autonomy for ethnic nationalities must be granted in order to eventually achieve lasting peace in the country.

Nevertheless, in the midst of persisted religious violence and persecution, many in the country and abroad are still in doubt about the intent of the country's powerful military. Whether the government itself is behind the repeated acts of violence against a religious minority in different parts of the country is a lingering question in the minds of many Burmese citizens.

For the ethnic nationalities, the real intention of the government remains to be seen. Even if the Thein Sein administration has good intentions, the question of whether the military is on board is a matter of great concern. Thus, while ceasing the moment is often the dictum, the ethnic groups have every right to be cautious at each step during the peace negotiation process.

Despite of all these uncertain circumstances in the backdrop, a review of the current constitution must take place both in and outside parliament. If the country is to leave its past behind and move forward to the collective progress of its peoples, all stakeholders engaging in the country's political process must think beyond who can become president in 2015, be prepared for soul-searching debates over the structure and scope of self-determination for all nationalities, and amend the country's five-year old constitution accordingly.

After all, only a genuine constitutional reform process that allows the ethnic nationalities to play their due role, and reflecting their desire to decide their own political destiny, could herald the beginning to an end of the half-a-century-old political conflicts in Burma.

Saw Kapi directs The Salween Institute for Public Policy (www.salweeninstitute.org). He can be reached at sawkapi@gmail.com

The views expressed in this article are the author's and do not reflect DVB editorial opinion.

LGBT community uses Nat Festival to let their hair down

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 10:10 PM PDT

Nat worship is an ancient tradition in Burma and has long been associated with the gay and transgender community, due to its elaborate feminine costumes.

The country's largest spirit festival, Taung Pyome, held annually just outside Burma's second city Mandalay, has become a rare opportunity for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people to dress and act freely.

"Gay people from different towns all come and gather here," said Tin Maung, the head Nat communicator.

"In the spirit festival they don't need to declare they are gay, they can just take part in the festival happily."

Homosexuality is illegal in Burma.  Although the law is not often enforced it is used as an excuse for ill treatment and the community suffers from discrimination and ridicule.

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As a result of this discrimination, Moe Thiha, a spirit medium or Nat ‘kadaw’, said many members of the LGBT community choose to work in Nat worship.

"Most gay or transgender men work as Nat ‘kadaws’ and while working they can wear make-up," he said. "Some become cosmetic artists."

The festival does not just attract gay or transgender people, many single people attend looking for homosexual or transgender sex, no matter what their sexual orientation.

Health risks are a big concern as the festival has gained a reputation for promiscuity.

Hla Myat, programme officer for LGBT rights group, Colors Rainbow, believes the behavior exhibited at the festival gives the LGBT community a bad name.

"Many people abuse this festival. Many people are not really well behaved and they just come to the festival to hook up with straight or transgender people," he said.

In Burma there is no distinction between being gay and transgender, and all terms used to describe the LGBT community have a derogatory tone.

Moe Thiha decided to become a Nat Spirit medium because he loves to dance and dress up, but he is still unsure of how to define himself.

"Yeah I’m kind of gay," he said. "I live like a woman. There are lots of men like this. For me, I love to do art so maybe I’m a gay who wants to do art more."

Festivals like Taung Pyome mean that, for once a year at least, judgement is put aside and anyone, no matter what their sexual orientation, can act freely and openly.

But even at this festival, understanding of the LGBT community is still limited.

 

Ancient Pyu sites bid for World Heritage status

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 09:23 PM PDT

Burma wants to nominate the ancient Pyu city state of Hanlin as a World Heritage Site, state media said on Monday.

According to the New Light of Myanmar, Minister of Culture Aye Myint Kyu made the announcement when he spoke to villagers in Hanlin at the weekend and asked them to support the bid by cooperating with the local authorities.

"The local people were urged to join hands with the department for preservation of the cultural heritage," the report said.

While visiting the ancient site, the culture minister checked on the progress of stone inscriptions being prepared for the Hanlin archaeological museum, and requested that not only the Pyu stone inscriptions and reliefs be put on display, but also stone inscriptions unearthed from the Bagan era.

An earlier report on Saturday suggested that three of Pyu's city states—Hanlin, Beikthano and Sri Kestra—be proposed as candidates for World Heritage status, a prestigious award which guarantees ancient sites funding for conservation and inspires tourism.

Deputy Minister of Culture Daw Sanda Khin was quoted by the New Light of Myanmar on Saturday as saying that evidence, including the 40 million-year-old fossils of Pondaung and Ponnya primates, had been discovered, "showing the country’s rich cultural heritage and evolution through the Stone Age, the Bronze Age and the Iron Age".

Burma's Ministry of Culture has reportedly been working in cooperation with UNESCO to sign the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. They also met recently to discuss a capacity-building project related to the preservation of Burma's cultural heritage, as well as to attend a seminar focused on the bid for the Pyu sites to be considered for World Heritage status.

The city states of Pyu existed from around the second century BC to the mid-11th century, and stretched from Sri Kestra near modern-day Pyay up through central Burma as far north as Tagaung, which is about 200km north of Mandalay.

The city-states were founded as part of the southward migration by the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Pyu, arguably the earliest inhabitants of Burma. The thousand-year period, often referred to as the "Pyu Millennium", linked the Bronze Age to the beginning of the classical period when the Bagan kingdom emerged in the late 9th century.

Mostly centred around the confluences of the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers, the ancient towns were part of an overland trade route between China and India.

Hanlin, founded in the 1st century AD near present-day Shwebo in Sagaing division, was the largest and most important city until around the 7th or 8th century when it was superseded by Sri Kestra.

Five major walled cities and several smaller towns have now been excavated.

Rangoon property boom leaves hundreds homeless

Posted: 10 Sep 2013 07:39 PM PDT

Soaring rents in Burma’s commercial capital Rangoon have seen hundreds of poor families shunted from their homes, forcing them to turn to charity as their last buffer from life on the streets.

Political transformation, which has swept the country since the quasi-civilian government took power in 2011, has seen sanctions lifted and stoked rising investment interest in the perceived frontier market.

However, the changes have also fuelled rampant speculation in the commercial hub Rangoon, squeezing the poor into homelessness.

“Whole families came saying they had no place to live, nothing to eat, begging for help,” said 61-year-old Khin San Oo, manager at a makeshift centre for the displaced in a Buddhist monastery in a scruffy suburb of the former capital.

Abbott Ottamasara offered free plots on 30 acres of land at the Thabarwa—or "nature"—compound 16 months ago and word has spread fast, drawing penniless families from Rangoon and surrounding districts.

More than 2,400 families have now built small shanties in the grounds an hour’s drive from downtown Rangoon.

Hundreds of others, who cannot afford construction costs, are sheltering in a communal bamboo dormitory at the site, which is home to a meditation centre.

Surging demand for property as Burma undergoes rapid change since shedding the isolation of junta rule has threatened to push more people from their homes, with rent hikes compounding low wages in and around the country’s most populous city.

Figures from estate agents show rents have risen by 25 percent this year for a small Rangoon apartment, while sales prices have doubled or even trebled over the past two years in some neighbourhoods.

Tin Tin Win, 57, says she was forced to move to the compound with her daughter, son, two grandchildren and husband, after the family were asked to pay six months in advance—around US$300—to renew the lease on their property.

“Our rent went up several times… we couldn’t afford to stay in our house. That’s why we had to move here,” she said, adding that she was secure, if uncomfortable, in the cramped new lodgings.

“My daughter said she will keep us here for a while, because she can’t afford anywhere else,” she said wiping tears from her eyes.

President Thein Sein has made slashing poverty rates a pillar of reforms in Burma, where the former military rulers neglected to build a state safety net during their corrupt, decades-long rule.

But that goal appears far off.

To buy land in prime areas of Rangoon—a city with poor transport links, few modern condominiums and irregular electricity and Internet access—now costs up to $700 per square foot, several times higher than glitzy Bangkok.

But while some—including major international organisations and companies—are willing to cough up, many fear the high costs are putting off investors and creating a dangerous bubble.

“The whole world now knows that the land price here [in Rangoon] is very expensive,” Than Oo, 64, managing director of Mandaing real estate company told AFP.

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Families have been forced out to satellite towns because of the high rents, he said, urging the “stabilisation of the real estate market”.

In an effort to cool the market, the government has raised land taxes and has built some low-cost housing in the city suburbs—but critics say the apartments still cost around $20,000, which is well out of reach of most people.

Monks at the monastery have been unable to turn away the cascade of new arrivals.

Staff say the land is now full, leaving the abbot scratching around for donors with space to spare for the needy.

Myint Nwe, who lives in the monastery’s stable-like dormitory with her nine-strong family, is grateful for the lifeline offered by the abbot.

“My husband had a stroke two years ago. After that we had nothing to eat,” said the mother-of-five, explaining how they came to the monastery, as her husband sat expressionless next to her.

While she is able to sell fruit to buy occasional snacks for her children or medicine for her husband, Myint Nwe like many others in the monastery housing, can see no way back to independence.

“I want to live in my own house and run my own business,” she said. “But I have no savings and my husband is sick.”
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