Monday, September 23, 2013

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine

Graduate Program Breathes New Life Into Rangoon University

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 08:07 AM PDT

A sign for the International Center of Excellence (ICOE) stands in front of Rangoon University's well-known Convocation Hall. (Photo: Naomi Gingold / The Irrawaddy)

Rangoon University will be accepting a broad range of applicants for a new graduate-level program in international relations this fall, in a trilateral partnership breathing new life into Burma's once-suffocated higher education system.

The university's International Center of Excellence (ICOE) was started in conjunction with the Ministry of Education and is run entirely by US-based Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) and South Korea's Chung-Ang University.

Karl Jackson, the head of the ICOE, as well as the director of Asian and Southeast Asian studies programs at SAIS, told The Irrawaddy recently that the program would be free from interference by the government, which has a long history of tightly controlling Burma's universities.

"The guarantee from the minister of education was that we'd have complete academic freedom and autonomy," he said, adding that this has also been true for the entirety of the program's first run, when classes have been "indistinguishable from the kinds of interactions you would have had from teaching the same course at SAIS."

The one-year program first started in January 2013 with 35 fellows, recruited from junior faculty members at universities around Rangoon. This upcoming academic year, for the first time, administrators will be recruiting applicants on a wider scale for the program that is set to begin in November.

Once one of the most prestigious universities in the region, Rangoon University was the scene of intense protests and subsequent crackdowns during decades of military rule. Junta authorities shuttered the university for long periods of time, eventually allowing in only graduate students and sending undergraduates to satellite campuses in far-off places to limit the ability of students to gather and protest en masse. In the process, the quality of Burma's academic programs deteriorated dramatically.

The center was created in an attempt to bring in outside knowledge and input to the university, which was for decades the victim of government neglect and outright suppression of academic freedom.

"What we hope to do," Jackson said, "is to get enough people exposed to amounts of knowledge from the outside world, so that they can then train the next generation of students. The concept is to train the trainers." He explained that, in potentially two years, ICOE would mainstream the international relations program back to the university and move on to other subjects.

On a recent campus visit, fellows were fanned out across classrooms and a new computer lab donated by South Korea's International Cooperation Agency (KOICA), hard at work on theses whose topics ranged from ethnic conflict in Burma to changes in international relations education in the country.

When asked how classes might differ from those they have had in the past, one fellow who wished to remain anonymous remarked, "Some past times, we were not allowed to talk about whatever we thought. All our thoughts were like imprisoned," but in the ICOE classes, she continued, "We can express whatever we think and we can discuss whatever we have in our minds."

Although they do have state-of-the-art machines to work on, Peter Birgbauer, a consultant for SAIS who is facilitating the thesis process at the ICOE, said the computers alone were not always enough.

"High-speed Internet is a problem for us," he said. The painstakingly slow connection has been crippling students' ability to download and print academic articles, as well as hampering the center's plans to build a virtual library.

Because all current and future fellows must already have a degree to apply, the center does stand the risk of excluding people who have been denied higher education in Burma for political reasons, as well as those who did not wish to attend military-backed higher education programs. When asked to comment on that risk, Jackson said the center would remain open to people who were qualified.

"Let's hope that the future of higher education in Myanmar will also have a place for those people who've missed a step on the escalator, so to speak, so that they can get back in the game," he said.

Access to the campus has been restricted for years, especially to foreign visitors who are usually turned away at the gate. Although the ICOE says interested individuals are now allowed on campus, including foreign ones, this journalist was denied entry on one out of two attempts to visit the main campus.

The ICOE is offering a certificate degree in international relations. The 12-course program, with classes on everything from economics to theories of international relations, is meant to provide a graduate-level education in international relations, and is housed in the old science center on campus, recently refurbished by the Ministry of Education.

Internet troubles and long hours aside, Jackson said the program is well worth the effort.

"It is just exciting as hell to watch a great institution begin to get to its feet again," he said, adding, "If Myanmar can push through over the next couple of years and really open up society and build capacity in its universities, then it will join the ranks of Asian tigers.  It should have been there to begin with."

The post Graduate Program Breathes New Life Into Rangoon University appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Freedom of Hate Speech

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 05:06 AM PDT

A man walks through a destroyed neighborhood in the central Burma town of Meikhtila, where anti-Muslim riots took place in March. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

RANGOON — What we need is freedom of speech, not freedom of hate speech. We need freedom of expression, not freedom of destruction. But in our country, Burma, what we have seen with sheer disappointment recently is that we do not always get what we need.

Over the past year, Burma's government has been praised by the international community for easing media censorship, but hate speech and destruction have proliferated more quickly than press freedoms. We saw some of the worst carnage last year, when communal strife broke out between Muslim and Buddhist communities in Arakan State, but widespread destruction has continued into this year, even as recently as last month.

In Htan Gone village, Sagaing Division, a mob of about 1,000 Buddhists last month torched dozens of homes and shops, most of which belonged to Muslims. Police officers and authorities did not stop the anarchic attacks on the minority group for many hours. Before they intervened, innocent people were targeted and their properties were burned down.

Witnesses told The Irrawaddy that the rioters sang the country's national anthem as they rampaged late on Aug. 24, only dispersing early the next day, after security forces arrived. In previous instances of communal violence elsewhere in the country, slow intervention has also allowed enough time for thugs or mobs to destroy the homes and businesses of Muslim families. To some extent, it has allowed freedom of destruction.

Why hasn't the government been able to control these attacks? Communal violence is not unexpected these days. Since last year, more than 250 people have been killed and about 140,000 people have been displaced by riots in several areas of the country.

The Information Ministry says the latest incident in Htan Gone was triggered by a report that a Muslim man attempted to sexually assault a Buddhist woman on her way home from work. Oddly, most other instances of mass violence in recent months have been sparked by a similar story—a Buddhist woman was reportedly harassed, raped, insulted or attacked by a Muslim man or a group of Muslim men.

It is curious that the government has not taken proper action to prevent tensions from spreading from one town to another. The former military regime—whose leaders continue to run the current nominally civilian government—managed to easily and quickly stop such problems. "Why not now?" is a very relevant question, as Burma's stability is at high risk in this time of fledgling democratic reform.

An immediate instigator of these attacks has been hate speech.

Kyaw Zwa Moe is editor (English Edition) of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at kyawzwa@irrawaddy.org.

"Hate speech is the greatest threat to society and its harmony," Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, an internationally known scholar and activist for social justice, said at a recent public forum on Muslim-Buddhist relations in Rangoon.

Since last year, hate speech has become too common in local media, particularly online social media. Some Burmese journalists believe communal strife would not have broken out in Arakan State if state-run newspapers Kyemon and Myanmar Ahlin had not used the term kalar to refer to Muslims. The word is a derogatory term for foreigners, especially those of Indian descent.

Those newspapers—which, like all state-run media, are under the Information Ministry—were setting a bad example. Nobody can know for sure whether the derogatory term was mistakenly or purposefully included, although the editors made a correction later.

Myint Kyaw, a journalist based in Rangoon, said the government and authorities were responsible for revealing the identity of those who deliberately spread hate speech on any platform of media, including social media. He pointed to the example of Myanmar Express (http://www.myanmarexpress.net/), which in the past has attacked opposition groups like the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. More recently, the website has published hate speech against Muslims.

Myint Kyaw called on the government to disclose the identity of those who are behind the website, which has long believed to have been associated with some of the government's high-ranking authorities, perhaps since the era of the former regime. There has been some speculation that it is a proxy website for these officials.

"Politicians invariably try to exploit the people's sentiments for political purposes so they can enhance their power and perhaps expand their constituencies. This has happened over and over again in history," Dr. Chandra wrote in a series of his papers known as "Religions Values in Plural Society."

In Burma's case, it is difficult to say whether the government has been behind the ongoing unrest. But because the government is responsible for stopping the unrest, many critics believe that hardliners in the current administration or the ex-junta might have supported it.

Ashin Dhama Sara, who was also a panelist with Dr. Chandra during the interfaith forum, said, "No one should be above the law. Likewise, no religion should be above the law."

The Buddhist monk added that misunderstanding between Buddhist and Muslim communities could lead to unrest. That's true: Misunderstanding, misconception, misinterpretation and misinformation have repeatedly been key triggers for rioting in the country.

Dr. Chandra urged Burmese citizens to work toward a harmonious society by applying three R's: rights, responsibility and respect. The scholar, who is president of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST), added that rights always come with responsibility.

"You don't want to be like Rwanda, Yugoslavia and Sri Lanka in Asia," the scholar warned the crowd of several hundred people, including Buddhists and Muslims.

He offered a reminder that all religions are committed to justice, loving kindness and the dignity of human beings. Both Buddhists and Muslims cherish family values, he said.

Of course, Burma's society has not yet reached a stage of harmony. Ko Tar, another panelist and a well-known writer, raised a question for the audience: "Are we Burmese racist?"

"What happened in the past year has damaged the integrity of our country," he said. "We should ask ourselves whether our goal is to become a country filled with happiness or a country filled with sadness and misery."

The post Freedom of Hate Speech appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘No Real Democracy’ for Burma if Constitution Goes Unchanged: Suu Kyi

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 04:59 AM PDT

Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi speaks to the Burmese community living in Singapore on Sept. 22, 2013. (Photo: Reuters / Edgar Su)

Burma will not enjoy "real democracy" until the country changes its Constitution, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi said in a speech to Singapore's Burmese community during a visit to the city-state Sunday.

Suu Kyi, who is a parliamentarian and chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD), spoke in front of more than 5,000 people from Burma, linking constitutional change to the larger fate of the transitioning nation.

"Our country needs to have rule of law and peace, and needs to change the Constitution. If there is no change to the Constitution … it will be difficult to have peace and rule of law. Then, our country will have no real democracy.

"I always say this whenever I meet government officials who were formerly of the military regime. … I tell them that I hope both sides can sit down and make changes to the Constitution."

On her four-day visit to the fellow Asean member state, Suu Kyi also met Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and served as keynote speaker at a separate lecture series on leadership in Asia that was attended by members of the international community.

Suu Kyi made her trip to Singapore on the return leg of a visit last week to the Czech Republic in Europe, where she met exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama and spoke at a conference on "societies in transition."

Burma has undergone major political and economic reforms since a quasi-civilian government took power from the ruling military regime two-and-a-half years ago. The military-drafted 2008 Constitution, however, remains as an enduring legacy of the former regime with present-day implications for the prospect of democratic governance.

Suu Kyi herself is not eligible to run for Burma's presidency due to a constitutional provision that bars anyone with a foreign-born spouse or children from running for the office. Suu Kyi's late husband was a British national, as are her two sons.

The Constitution also guarantees 25 percent of the seats in Parliament to members of the military, and much of the current leadership under the administration of President Thein Sein was plucked from the ranks of the former military regime—including Thein Sein himself, a former general and prime minister.

The opposition NLD, pro-democracy activists and ethnic rebel groups have called for amending or scrapping entirely the 2008 Constitution. It was passed via a public referendum in the aftermath of the devastation wrought by Cyclone Nargis, in what is widely considered to have been a sham vote.

Suu Kyi, who chairs the Lower House of Parliament's Committee for Rule of Law and Stability, compared Burma's reform process with other countries' democratization, saying opposition voices were typically given more influence in guiding the transitions.

"Our Constitution has been written by only a few elected representatives of the people, and most people were from the military dictatorship," she said. "This is how it has been different from other countries. This needs to change."

A 109-member parliamentary committee has been formed to study the possibility of changing the Constitution, with representation of the committee identical in proportion to the makeup of the national Parliament as a whole. The NLD has been allotted seven committee seats.

In response to a request that she address the issue of Burmese migrant workers in Singapore, specifically maids, who were unable to attend the event on Sunday, Suu Kyi said they were not forgotten, and called on the government to protect their interests.

"To protect citizens is the duty of government. Every government has a duty to do this. Indonesia and Malaysia protect their citizens. Our country needs to do so as well."

Burmese migrant workers, who often take jobs in wealthier countries as domestic help, have frequently been victims of abuse by their employers, with human rights groups criticizing Burma's government for failing to adequately protect them abroad.

The post 'No Real Democracy' for Burma if Constitution Goes Unchanged: Suu Kyi appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Workers End Protest After Reaching Agreement with Factory

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 04:47 AM PDT

A group of around 100 laid-off employees staged a protest near Rangoon's Sule Pagoda roundabout on Monday. Click on the box below to see more photos. (Photo: Jpaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — About 100 workers ended their two-day, unauthorized protest at Rangoon's Sule Pagoda roundabout on Monday afternoon after reaching an agreement with Ho Shin Factory over an improved severance pay. The factory was shut down earlier this month.

"We have been working in this factory for seven years. We will face many problems to survive if we lose our jobs. It is not easy to find a new job," said Min Min, a worker who leads the protest.

The workers set up an unauthorized protestors' camp near Sule Pagoda roundabout on Sunday, where they slept overnight. The protest quickly attracted the attention of local media and the Rangoon authorities.

The group of mostly female workers was employed at Ho Shin Factory, a fish processing and packaging facility in Rangoon's Dagon Seikkan Township. About 200 workers were laid off on Sept. 12 and many felt their dismissal and severance pay offer had been unfair. Some also questioned their employer's motives for dismissing the workers.

"We are suspicious about the shutdown of the factory. We think they did it intentionally just to fire us. We want to know whether the factory shutdown is temporarily or permanent," said Min Min.

Ho Shin Factory representatives said the plant had been closed because it was operating at a loss. "We shut down the factory because we were losing 6 million kyat [US$6200] per day," said U Kaung, a factory director.

"We are going to permanently shut down the factory for sure. We can only pay the workers this compensation sum," said Nay Htun San, another factory representative.

On Monday afternoon, Rangoon Division Labor Minister Soe Min visited Sule Pagoda roundabout to talk to protestors and to urge employers and workers to reach an agreement.

A few hours later, the sides had agreed on a severance payment, which would provide workers with between two and five months' worth of pay for their dismissal. Salaries at Ho Shin Factory varied between workers, with some earning as little as $20 per month and others making about $80 per month.

Minister Soe Min said authorities would help the laid-off workers to find new jobs in other factories in the city.

Shortly afterward, the protestors broke up their camp. A police officer at the scene named Myint Aye said authorities would not to take action against the protestors even though they organized the protest without seeking prior government approval.

Burma has no history of industrial relations and labor unions were illegal until President Thein Sein's reformist government passed a labor organization law in March 2012. The law allows workers the right to free association, creating trade unions and holding strikes.

Labor activists say workers' rights protection in Burma still remains weak and most factory workers receive low salaries and face poor employment conditions.

Following the labor rights reforms, Burma has seen an increase in workers' protests for higher salaries and better working conditions.

In February, thousands of workers at the Tai Yi Slipper Company in Rangoon's Hlaing Tharyar Township went on strike. At the Yangon Crown Steel Factory in Rangoon Divisionin May, some 45 workers went on hunger strike and about 400 workers staged a walkout.

Again, in May, 2,000 workers at Hi Mo Wig factory went on strike over pay and working conditions. These protests ended when a deal was brokered, though the employers later reneged on their promise of higher wages.

The post Workers End Protest After Reaching Agreement with Factory appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

NLD Co-Founder Win Tin Hospitalized

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 04:33 AM PDT


Win Tin, a co-founder of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and a former political prisoner, speaks at a ceremony in July. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Win Tin, the veteran journalist and founding member of Burma's opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), has been hospitalized with breathing difficulties, an aide said Monday.

The 84-year-old, who has a history of heart problems and spent 20 years in Burmese jail, was admitted to Rangoon's Green Cross Hospital on Friday, according to YarZar, a fellow NLD member who has been looking after Win Tin.

Win Tin had been having trouble breathing and had been coughing a lot, so was taken to the hospital, he said, adding that the former long-term political prisoner's condition was improving.

"It's been three days he's been at hospital. Now he is getting better after some heart problem as well as coughing," YarZar said.

"Now we're discussing with the physicians whether he can go back home or not."

Win Tin was released in 2008 after a serving a lengthy jail term, much of it in solitary confinement, for criticizing Burma's military regime.

He has been an active part of the opposition since his release, but Win Tin had a pacemaker installed after heart problems in 2009. YawZar said Win Tin is also suffering from lung problems and a hernia.

Since his release, Win Tin has continued to wear blue prison-issue shirts as a sign of solidarity for other political prisoners. In April, police demanded that Win Tin return his prison uniform, which he refused.

The post NLD Co-Founder Win Tin Hospitalized appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

‘We Will Leave the Book Open’

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 03:39 AM PDT

Minister Khin Yi is head of Burma's Ministry of Immigration and Population. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

As Burma grapples with issues such as the return of refugees and the need to help families displaced by civil wars, The Irrawaddy reporter May Kha recently spoke with Khin Yi, the minister of immigration and population, about his role in the peace process. In this interview, he also discusses nationwide census efforts, the development of a permanent residency system and the need to improve Burmese ID cards, while also sharing his thoughts on ceasefires.

Question: What is your role in the peace process, as head of the Ministry of Immigration and Population (MIP)?

Answer: The new government has prioritized the peace process and formed the Union Peacemaking Central Committee, headed by the president. I am a member of this committee. I am also a member of the peace negotiation team from the President's Office, headed by Minister Aung Min. I am deeply involved with issues related to the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Karen people.

Immigration works are affiliated with the peace process because we will have to deal with citizenship issues for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees who will be returning home after peace has prevailed in their areas.

Q: Please tell us the latest developments regarding a nationwide census planned by the MIP.

A: We will conduct a nationwide census in 2014. Currently we are implementing census-related awareness raising activities. There are about 60 million people and about 11 million households in Burma. We have 70 districts; 330 townships; 3,051 quarters; 13,620 village tracts and 64,346 villages in 14 divisions and states. We also have a total of 135 ethnic groups.

Q: Will Muslims living in Arakan State be included in the census?

A: Muslims in Arakan State will be included in the census. Except for diplomats and people working for foreign missions abroad, everyone living in Burma's boundaries within the specific period of time will be listed. Whether people are Muslims or they belong to any particular ethnic group, they will be in the census.

Q: What policy have you developed to deal with Burmese refugees and illegal immigrants who are currently living in Thailand and Malaysia, both inside and outside refugee camps, with stateless status?

A: After ceasefire agreements with different armed groups have been consolidated, there will be programs for land mine clearance and the resettlement of members of those groups and their relatives. Such programs target those who left their country due to internal conflicts, including people in refugee camps. That means people in refugee camps who are in this category will be reconsidered Burmese citizens.

As for migrant workers, many of them left the country illegally. So, to make their journey convenient, the Ministry of Labor, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the MIP have coordinated and issued temporary passports for them. In this process, the MIP is responsible for verifying if they are Burmese citizens. In Thailand, we opened 11 camps before to issue temporary passports for migrant workers from our country, but only four of them remain now since the process is about to finish.

Q: What arrangements have you made to accept returning refugees?

A: We are preparing. We will facilitate them in attaining citizenship. In this effort, we have to consider four sections of the law. The first is related to dual citizenship. Section 13 of the law does not allow any Burmese citizen to acquire citizenship of another country, so if someone wants to reapply for Burmese citizenship, he or she needs to give up the other. Section 16 also states that, "A citizen who leaves the state permanently, or who acquires the citizenship of or registers himself as a citizen of another country, or who takes out a passport or a similar certificate of another country, ceases to be a citizen."

Furthermore, Section 22 bars people from reapplying for citizenship status, saying that a person whose citizenship has ceased or has been revoked shall have no right to apply again for citizenship or associate citizenship or naturalized citizenship. However, according to Section 8(A), the government can offer citizenship status, as it says, "The council of state may, in the interest of the state, confer on any person citizenship or associate citizenship or naturalized citizenship." In any case, no one can acquire dual citizenship. So, there are things for those who want to be Burmese citizens again to decide.

Q: How will the permanent residence (PR) system allow Burmese people who are citizens of another country to come back and work in Burma in the long term?   

A: With the guidance of the president, a PR system was prepared for foreigners to stay in Burma permanently. This system will allow foreign assistance and intellectuals to come, which is needed for the development of the country, and also Burmese scholars to return home and contribute to their country. His goodwill intention for developing the PR system is to encourage national reconciliation—to reconstruct the country with those who had to leave for various reasons. It was not easy to develop it, though, as we had to link up with existing domestic laws. So far, the bylaw for the PR has been developed in consultation with and approval by the office of the attorney general. The government has also approved it.

Q: What provisions are included? For instance, how long can people stay, what will be their entitlements, and under what conditions can their PR status be revoked?  

A: I am worried about leaking information before it has been publicized officially. To be brief, the initial length of stay permitted by this PR system is five years, and that can be extended. However, the application for the extension will be decided by a PR board.

Q: More foreigners are coming to Burma these days. What kinds of visa can they apply for?

A: There are six types of visas: tourist, business, social, entry—for workshop, training, etc.—as well as diplomatic and multi-entry. Some student visas are included in the entry [category] and some are in the business category. We have yet to issue a separate visa for religious purposes—that is still included in the entry category. We are considering whether to issue a separate visa for that.

Q: What is a social visa?

A: An invitation from someone living inside the country is needed to apply for a social visa. It will allow for 28 days and cost US$36. The life of this visa is three months but it can be extended three months at a time for up to one year. With a social visa, you can either stay at home or somewhere else.

Q: People say that ID cards are easy to duplicate. Do you have any thoughts on how to tackle this matter?  

A: Since the current ID cards were made of paper, you can say they are easy to duplicate. About 70 percent of the country's 60 million population are living in rural areas and do not have very much money, so the government came up with a plan of using paper so that everyone could afford it. We are now preparing to replace them with "smart cards," which have devices to protect against duplication. We have received offers from a number of countries such as Malaysia, Singapore, Germany, Korea and England to develop these cards. We are currently at a learning stage. We will definitely replace the existing cards with smart ones.

Q: Can you say that the government now provides the best protection for its border exits?

A: Burma neighbors five countries, and there are 16 official exit points along its borders. There may be many other unofficial ones, through which people can enter and exit. To set up a mechanism to systematically examine people going in and out of the country, the MIP submitted a proposal to the government. It is a system using machines to examine people with their fingerprints. We also have a plan to set up a communications system to get in touch in a timely way between border areas and the central headquarters. I served as the director-general of the police force before, and I can say that there is no absolutely perfect security system in any country in the world.

Q: Will a "comprehensive ceasefire" be reached in October?  

A: What the government has planned for October is a "nationwide ceasefire." We have already had ceasefire agreements with 14 groups. Only two [of the major] ethnic [armed] groups, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), have not yet signed. We will meet with them again this month and talk about it.

It is true that some clashes have occurred after ceasefires. Of course, we need to find ways to consolidate such agreements. To do so, we need to develop the "dos and don'ts" for both sides. There must be a mechanism to monitor whether they are following those rules and practices.

Ceasefire is the most fundamental for peace. We cannot solve the problem unless we deal with it politically. To hold political talks, ceasefires need to be consolidated. We cannot reverse the process. So, to move forward, signing ceasefire agreements is needed. As Aung Min said, we will start with whoever wants to join us and leave the book open for others to come later and sign if they want. Otherwise, we cannot move forward.

The post 'We Will Leave the Book Open' appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma School Offers Dose of Imagination

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 03:24 AM PDT

A teacher works with students at Lumbini Academy, a private school in Rangoon. (Photo: Samantha Michaels / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The entrance hall to Lumbini Academy is not like that of a typical school in Burma. Just inside, behind a winding staircase that leads to classrooms upstairs, a few children run around an indoor playground, racing down yellow and red slides, while a boy sits on the ledge of a small indoor pool, watching a collection of fish swim by.

"We're teaching the children the difference between living things and nonliving things," says Khu Hse Phaw, a 32-year-old preschool teacher. "We go out and show them the fish, the plants and the turtles—we have those, too."

Lumbini was co-founded in 2006 by a famous Burmese writer, Ko Tar, and is one of a growing number of private schools in Burma. In Rangoon, the country's commercial and financial capital, dozens of private schools have received licenses to operate after the former military regime ceded power to a quasi-civilian government in 2011.

Decades ago under the socialist regime of Gen Ne Win, private schools were nationalized, but under President Thein Sein's government, a private school registration law passed in Parliament in 2011, allowing institutions to operate officially. For some time before that, private schools had operated in an unregulated environment.

While the government's more than 40,000 basic education schools have a reputation for over-packed classrooms and rote learning, private schools in Burma are offering a more child-centered approach.

"I like playing games here. We didn't have any chance to play games before," says 9-year-old Nyein Win, who attended a state school in Rangoon before transferring to Lumbini as a third grader this year.

Her friend, 8-year-old Myaing Myaing, another former state school student, agrees. "It was a lot of writing before, one page after another," she says, adding that her class at Lumbini recently learned about the different eating habits of animals through role playing.

"We made stories, pretending to be animals and acting out how they eat," adds her classmate, 9-year-old Aye Thiri.

But the more child-centered approach comes at a price. While government schools do not charge annual tuition, it can cost $6,000 to attend some private schools in Rangoon. That kind of tuition is affordable only for the wealthiest families in Burma, the poorest country in Southeast Asia. Many school-aged children cannot even attend government schools because their parents do not have enough money for textbooks or other fees such as classroom renovations.

Ko Tar, who is known by his pen name, says his goal with Lumbini was to offer a better education for students from middle-class families. Annual tuition at his school in east Rangoon's Thingangyun Township is $1,500.

"In our country, some private schools are only meant for the very rich," he says. "Here, tuition is half to a third of the price compared to other private schools. It is necessary for the middle class."

About 300 students attend Lumbini, which currently runs through eighth grade, although Ko Tar says the school will add a new grade level annually through twelfth grade. He also founded a separate preschool branch and is trying to develop a pre-collegiate program to help students prepare for university in Burma or abroad.

Phyo Htet Min, 25, is a computer science teacher who came to Lumbini three months ago after working at the high-end Horizon International School in Rangoon. "In Horizon's computer rooms, there was air-conditioning, the chairs were perfect. Here it's not like that," he says.

But Lumbini does offer other perks. Unlike many international private schools, it puts equal weight on teaching English language as well as Burmese language, with an emphasis on local history and culture.

"The goal is to make students aware of their identity, where they come from," says Htwe Htwe Than, a third grade teacher. "This school is not American, British or Singaporean—it is us."

"Government schools are just transmitting knowledge, they don't let students ask many questions," she adds. "Here, we let it happen."

Rather than rote learning, Lumbini promotes an inquiry method, encouraging students to investigate and solve problems by themselves. This approach, Ko Tar says, is especially useful in science teaching, for which the school has developed a reputation.

Ko Tar originally trained as an orthopedic surgeon before focusing his career on writing and social work, while the school's other founder, Dr. Tin Hlaing (pen name Phoehlaing), earned a PhD in London and specializes in physics.

In the school's science laboratory, a portrait of Albert Einstein hangs high on the wall, along with a chart of the periodic table of elements. Microscopes stand in a line on a table near a land terrain diorama and a rock garden. A professor from Carleton College in the United States has visited regularly to conduct science teaching workshops for the teachers.

"This week we learned about molecules," says 10-year-old Min Zin, who hopes to become a professional scientist someday.

"I want to know about space, so I read about astronauts. But Myanmar [Burma] doesn't have a space program," he adds.

Burma's government schools also prioritize science, but Ko Tar says memorizing facts to achieve good exam results is often seen as more important than fully understanding basic principles behind how the world works. "People are very much anxious to get good grades—they don't give children the time and space they need," he says.

As Burma reforms politically and economically, there is also a push to improve the education system, which was chronically underfunded during military rule. The Ministry of Education is currently undergoing a two-year review of the state school system, speaking with experts to identify priority areas for reform.

One key player in education reform is Dr. Thein Lwin from the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. He is a leader of the National Network for Education Reform, a civil society group that is conducting a parallel review of the school system and has submitted policy recommendations to Parliament.

"We want to change the teaching and learning system, not based on textbooks, but inquiry-based learning," says the education expert, who trained some teachers at Lumbini.

One of his teaching students was San San Htwe, 30, who is now interning as an aide at Lumbini and will begin working as a kindergarten teacher there soon. As a child she attended a government school, which she says lacked a science laboratory or other resources available at private schools today. The Ministry of Education's reforms could eventually help narrow the gap, she says, but for now she is pessimistic. "The [government's] review is not inclusive enough," she says. "They haven't spoken to enough teachers. I don't think anything will really change."

Even in private schools, change takes time, Ko Tar says. "I am struggling because the mindset of parents is set, not just in our country but in other parts of Asia, to rote learning," he says, amid preparations for parent-teacher conferences that he says will emphasize the importance of reading at home and journal writing.

"Children must have time and space," he says. "We need to help them imagine and think."

The names of children in this story have been changed for privacy.

The post Burma School Offers Dose of Imagination appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma’s First Human Rights Magazine Sees Healthy Sales

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 03:17 AM PDT

Htoo Kyaw Win, MKS Publishing Assistant Editor, holds two issues of the Burmese-language Journal of Human Rights and Democracy. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A landmark monthly magazine on human rights and democracy in Burma is showing strong sales just four months after launching, according to its director.

Available at book stores in Rangoon, Naypyidaw and Mandalay, the Burmese-language Journal of Human Rights and Democracy covers topics that just a few years ago would have not have made it to publication under the censorship of the military regime.

But it was launched in May—amid an opening up of Burma's print media environment after a quasi-civilian government took power in 2011—by the Myanmar Knowledge Society (MKS), with backing from a Norwegian aid agency. The first four editions have covered some of the most pertinent issues in Burma today—people's rights, democracy in transition, freedom of speech in Burma and hate speech.

"I had attempted to publish this magazine since a-year-and-a-half ago with my colleagues. The human rights issues are fundamental things all people should know, that's why we decided to publish this magazine," Zaw Oo, the director of the Journal of Human Rights and Democracy, told the Irrawaddy.

"We faced a lot of difficulties before we started. The Press Scrutiny and Registration Department didn't want us to title it a 'Human Rights' magazine, but we are just focused on the technical or academic side of political issues."

The magazine was allowed to hit the shelves, and costs 1,500 kyat, about US$1.50. Zaw Oo says sales have been good, rising from about 1,000 initially to 2,000 this month.

"We're now distributing this magazine to members of Parliament for free. I can say the readership network is bigger now," Zaw Oo said, admitting that the nature of the magazine's content meant it could not compete in terms of circulation with mass market publications.

However, he hopes to publish in English as well as Burmese soon.

MKS, which also publishes handbooks on ethnic issues in English, has received funding from Norwegian People's Aid, one of Norway's two official aid agencies.

Htoo Kyaw Win, MKS Publishing assistant editor, said he hoped the publication would reach an ever wider audience.

"In the transition period, the theories on human rights are a necessary thing for the Burmese people," he said.

"The concept of human rights is a fundamental thing for not just academics who read English. We target all the people who are interested human rights issues and democracy."

Ye Naing Moe, a journalism trainer, it was unbelievable that a Burmese human rights magazine existed at all.

"In past years, we couldn't even dream about presenting human rights issues to readers," he said.

The post Burma's First Human Rights Magazine Sees Healthy Sales appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Luxury River Cruise Opens Up Mysteries of Burma

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 01:05 AM PDT

Men wash clothes next to a small boat along the Irrawaddy River banks in Burma's northern Kachin State. (Photo: Reuters / Soe Zeya Tun)

MANDALAY — After closing its doors to the West for half a century, Burma has reopened, inviting all to come and discover its treasures, ancient palaces of kings long gone, legends and mysteries told in stone. And the world is expected to come.

These are the early days, perhaps the best, and with ill-equipped roads and railways, there is no better way to explore than by river. Public ferries crisscross through glistening green paddies; old teak fishing boats can be rented by the day.

And now, there is the luxury riverboat cruise. In late July, the Orcaella made its maiden voyage on a 1,600-kilometer (994-mile) journey deep into Burma's interior, almost to the border of India. It is operated by the Orient Express, the group that runs luxury hotels, trains and boats globally.

It's not a handsome ship from the outside. As the cruise's first 30 travelers board in Mandalay, it seems squat and square and a bit worn out. But once we step over the gangplank and enter the roomy lounge, our impression changes completely. Totally remodeled from the hull up and gracefully furnished, it is a space where all of us immediately felt relaxed.

Over the next 12 days we will tour sights rarely seen by foreign tourists: villages left back in time, gilded pagodas filled with Buddhist statues, thousands of them long neglected.

My cabin is spacious, with hardwood floors, fresh flowers and a walk-in closet. Best of all are the glass sliding doors facing the wide river, where one can lie in bed and watch the world glide by.

We travel first for six hours along the mighty Irrawaddy River, more than 400 meters wide. The shores are almost level with the land, the brush low with a few large trees.

Every hut or fishing boat we pass generates loud greetings. Groups of children wave and call. Water taxis carry passengers from one riverside village to the next, and huge, heavy boats laden with teak head downstream.

When we reach the confluence with the Chindwin River, we meet our first obstacle. The captain slows our 25-cabin ship to a near-standstill and struggles to navigate around a small whirlpool. The shifting sandbanks make it difficult to read the riverbed.

Eventually we pass, continuing north on the Chindwin along the melted waters of the Himalayas. We slice through sandstone cliffs and patches of forest, but this is rare. For long stretches, sometimes days at a time, the view is more monotonous than I would have imagined.

The first village of a decent size we come across is Monywa, where the people appear as fascinated by us as we are by them. As we walk down their dusty roads, we must look like clumsy giants. Their own bodies look so delicate, women walking gracefully even when carrying baskets of bricks on their heads.

The small, beautiful children stare in wonder. A teenage traveler snaps pictures of a little girl from the village and her 4-year-old older brother, then gives the boy a turn at the camera.

Every day, we stop to visit one or more of the many pagodas, old and new. We have seen golden Buddhas towering over us, and a traditional ceremony for young, freshly shaven monks.

After a few days, we reach Sittaung, a few kilometers from the Indian border.

It has 35 very solid, large teak houses, all without doors and elevated on stilts. Green rice paddies are on either side. The river is only a few meters away and floods a frequent occurrence.

An old, frail woman stood by the gate, leaning with both hands on her cane, her eyes fixed upon us. She was prepared for our arrival, dressed in her finest blouse and longyi, a traditional wrap-around sarong tied firmly in a knot at the waist.

I will not forget her, and our conversation in friendly gestures. I don't think she'll forget me, wondering, most probably, why a woman of 86 years would travel so far to see her.

Her rugged village is full of welcoming smiles, along with disdainful looks from yellow dogs and water buffalo when we expected them to move.

Here we turn around. It took eight days to get here, but we will return in less than half the time, heading with the current toward our home harbor and the temples of Bagan, the first kingdom of Burma.

On our final night on the ship, elephant dancers—men in a full-sized pachyderm costume—are brought in from a nearby village.

The bejeweled beast appears with its leader and begins a dainty dance that soon becomes more boisterous. We are amazed when it stands up on his front legs, then on his back. It crosses a plank stretched between two barrels and takes a bow under enthusiastic applause, encouraged by the free flowing champagne. We politely overlook the two pairs of nicely polished shoes that poke out from under the beast's feet.

As the show wraps up, I stand up to get a better look at the lovely young singer among the musicians. Her mother, seeing my delight, smiles and beckons me to sit with her.

The post Luxury River Cruise Opens Up Mysteries of Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

A Rangoon Diary

Posted: 22 Sep 2013 11:27 PM PDT


In this cover story first appeared in the November, 2007 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine, Bangkok-based author and photojournalist Thierry Falise lived through the uprising in Rangoon and wrote a diary of the nine days of terror…

Friday, September 21—It has been raining nonstop for days. I rushed down from Mandalay yesterday when I heard about the first demonstrations by monks in the former capital. Around 3 p.m., while working in my hotel room, I hear some psalmody rising up from the street. From the window, I observe a couple of hundred monks walking in the rain. By the time I pack my photo equipment and rush down, they have reached the nearby Sule Pagoda. Most of the monks are under 30. A small crowd of civilians have joined them. Some applaud, others bow on the wet ground, a group of youths form a human chain as if to protect them against a still invisible enemy.

The monks leave the City Hall area and, under torrential rain, start to walk at a quick pace on streets transformed into rivers. They repeatedly chant the Buddha's loving kindness incantations.  A smiling man offers to hold my umbrella while I am taking pictures. Two hours later, the procession ends at the Bohtataung Pagoda. I did not see any uniformed men during the whole afternoon, nobody has asked me any questions, but I am sure the crowd is infiltrated by plainclothes policemen and members of the government-back thuggish organization, Union Solidarity and Development Association. "See you tomorrow," a man whispers.

Saturday, September 22—After vainly looking for them around the Shwedagon Pagoda, I finally meet the demonstrators on their way to the Sule Pagoda. There are more monks and civilians than yesterday. A nasty-looking guy with a "Press" badge is filming the whole scene, apparently only interested in people's faces. At an almost racing pace, under an unrelenting rain, the cortege passes through Rangoon townships before dissolving around 6 p.m.

Some people tell me that several hundred monks marched through barricades on University Avenue, where detained Burmese Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi lives and chanted the "Metta Sutta" (the Buddha's words on loving kindness) in front of her house.  Authorities made no effort to stop the monks. Suu Kyi came out of her home to pay her respects to the monks.

I start to feel that something serious is happening. It's an odd, exciting, emotional feeling to be living history from within.

Sunday, September 23—I meet the day's protesters at the Sule Pagoda. Two monks hold a banner in English: "The loving kindness must win everything." In a strong sign of protest, a monk raises his turned-up alms bowl.

About 2,000 monks, joined for the first time by white-clad nuns, march from the Shwedagon Pagoda towards the city center. The monks and nuns, together with hundreds of accompanying young people and students, shout demands for lower commodity prices, a start to meaningful political dialogue and the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.

Monday, September 24—The sun is back today. I go to watch thousands of monks gathering at the foot of the Shwedagon Pagoda. A maroon and purple wave cuts through a compact crowd, sweeps through the sacred pagoda and then flows down to the city center. I feel enveloped by a sweet cyclone of fervor and hope. A huge crowd is now gathering all along the streets. Hundred of thousands of Rangoon dwellers applaud from sidewalks, balconies, apartment windows, the roofs of department stores, businesses, from every corner of the city.

Tuesday, September 25—A scorching and humid heat covers the city. The protest turns out to be more political today. People wear T-shirts with portraits of Suu Kyi and her father, Aung San.

An infirmary has been set up at the Sule Pagoda. Civilians are applying plasters to the blistered feet of monks and are massaging soar legs. Someone announces that members of the National League for Democracy are going to make a speech and loudspeakers are brought. But, at the monks' request, there won't be any political speeches.

The monks start marching again. More and more people cheer them. There are shouts of "democracy" and the demonstrators look as if they have already been liberated. Several other foreign photographers are now covering the demonstrations, and during a brief stop dozens of people cheer us and tell us: "Let the world know about our miserable fate. We are not against the soldiers, but against the army's leaders."

Around 5 p.m., back at the hotel, I see four military trucks full of soldiers driving towards the Sule Pagoda. A curfew is imposed for 60 days. Repression has started.

Wednesday, September 26—Shortly before noon, security forces disperse the crowd with tear gas at the Shwedagon Pagoda. About 100 monks manage to gather on a street below the pagoda. In less than an hour, they are met by thousands of people surging from side streets and buses and are welcomed emotionally by their supporters.

People show up in greater numbers than yesterday. They give us, the photographers, water, sweets and protective masks to wear in the case of tear gas attack. People tell us soldiers are shooting directly into the crowds in some parts of Rangoon. Anger and emotion fill the air.

Thursday, September 27—A contact tells me that there is trouble near the Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery, in northern Rangoon. I rush there with two colleagues. Soldiers, policemen and vigilantes block the roads.

The night before, at least 200 monks were brutally arrested in this monastery, and we hear that one died. Hundreds of local people fill the streets, outraged by the arrests. We are told that soldiers opened fire on student protesters in Tamwe Township and that a group of children from a primary school was trapped behind the security forces' lines.

A man says: "Thirty people have been killed at the Sule Pagoda," and we rush back downtown. The report turns out to be untrue, but the whole area is infested with soldiers and policemen. I see two large blood stains and dozens of slippers on the road, and I'm told "a Caucasian journalist has been killed." Later, it's confirmed that a Japanese photojournalist was shot dead.

At a large intersection near the central railway station, a small group of monks has emerged from nowhere. In a few minutes, thousands of people gather around them and start to walk on a nearby bridge. Soldiers suddenly appear from the bridge's sides and shoot at us. Run…run! Everyone must run for their lives.

Friday, September 28— Crowds defy the military troops in several parts of Rangoon. Groups of people try to reactivate demonstrations but each time, security forces come and separate them. Downtown, dozens of protesters have been arrested, bound and beaten. The troops pursue fleeing people into buildings, singling out those with cameras.

Trucks loaded with troops raid the offices of Burma's main Internet service provider, Myanmar Info-Tech, located at Rangoon University's Hlaing campus around noon in an effort to cut all public access to the Internet. The move is in response to the flood of photographs, videos, news reports and e-mails sent out of the country to the international media and the rest of the world by Burmese citizens. Burma is returning to the dark ages.

Saturday, September 29—Security forces are now playing cat and mouse with us foreign journalists. Whenever we approach a group of civilians, they start to move towards us, starting a panic. In one incident, we run down from a bridge and take shelter in a monastery, hidden by the monks.

In the late afternoon, I return with two other journalists to the Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery. There are only a few old monks left. First we pretend to be tourists but when we start to ask less innocuous questions we are faced with embarrassed looks. A big man, faking sympathy and interest, shows up. USDA, I guess. Four military trucks appear and soldiers deploy around the monastery. We rush into a taxi. Later I learn that UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has arrived in Rangoon and is being briefed by UN officials. He heads immediately to the capital, Naypyidaw, to meet with the military leaders.

Burma's state-run media announces that junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe is prepared to meet Suu Kyi, while the UN Security Council discusses the Burma situation. The Security Council issues a unanimous statement saying it "strongly deplores" the regime's violent crackdown—yet the arrests and intimidation continue regardless.

(Additional reporting by Yeni)

The post A Rangoon Diary appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Where There’s Struggle, There’s Hope

Posted: 22 Sep 2013 11:13 PM PDT


In this cover story first appeared in the October, 2007 print issue of The Irrawaddy magazine, Kyaw Zwa Moe, the editor of Irrawaddy's English Edition, explained how the battle lines were drawn more clearly than ever following the Saffron uprising.

Nothing can defeat Burma's military regime—at least to date. All attempts at peaceful or violent means including armed struggle, people's uprisings, international sanctions and political engagement have failed.

Most recently, even the Buddha's Dhamma was quashed by the guns of the ruling Buddhist generals. The streets of Rangoon were stained with the blood of monks who religiously and peacefully chanted the "Metta Sutta," the Buddha's words of loving kindness:

Let everyone be free from harm.
Let everyone be free from anger.
Let everyone be free from hardship.

During the past four decades, thousands of innocent lives have been sacrificed in the hope of creating a democratic nation based on the rule of law. The road ahead sometimes looks like a repeat of the past, filled with the same sort of wishful thinking, meaningless proposals and condemnations that are repeated year after year—yet nothing changes.

For me, September 2007 seems like déjà vu. As a high school student-protester in 1988, I was frozen in my tracks by the sight of a gleaming bayonet at the end of a rifle held by a soldier with hate in his eyes, ordering me to back off. Luckily, I wasn't one of the thousands of protesters who were shot, stabbed or beaten on the street.

In September, it was clear the generals were as determined as ever to beat down anyone who protested, including monks. This time, the demonstrators, with anger and tears, stepped back before thousands were again killed.

This time, it was a battle against the Buddha's words, chanted by the Sangha—the sons of the Buddha. Leading monks repeated over and over: "It is a fight between Dhamma (justice) and Ah-dhamma (injustice)."

November 2007, Vol. 15 No. 11

This time, with lightning, well-calculated moves, the pro-democracy movement was quickly beheaded as most of the seasoned opposition leaders, including prominent activist Min Ko Naing and his fellow leaders, were quickly rounded up by security forces.

The Burmese generals who are seen as "stupid," "uneducated" and "unqualified" by many of their critics have again outwitted the people of Burma and the international community.

Unlike in 1988, there were no serious discussions to continue the uprising through some other means, such as armed struggle. Various ethnic rebel groups have waged the region's longest armed struggle since the late 1940s, able in some cases to achieve a standoff, but with no hope of further gains.

The September 2007 uprising is a struggle that hasn't ended. It will continue—just ask the political prisoners who are in the junta's notorious prisons throughout the country.

I was imprisoned from 1991 to 1999, spending time in two prisons. Once you commit yourself to opposing the junta, the struggle never ends. In prison, we sat in our cells, anxiously hoping for strong UN resolutions. We hoped for strong support from regional neighbors. Unfortunately, our hopes were in vain. The UN and the neighboring countries offered no meaningful change.

Some things are different this time. I do not believe my former fellow prisoners, including some leaders of the 88 Generation Students group who are now in prison, hope for any quick fixes.

There it is: no hope for quick fixes. But as long as the people continue to struggle, there is hope.

My only true certainty is in the unwavering spirit of those committed leaders who will continue to struggle for democracy in spite of the harsh carckdown. I know that if they never stop struggling for positive change, hope will live.

For instance, a coup within the military is always a possibility. As more information floods the world, including inside Burma, there must be officers who have more enlightened liberal views, who understand that Burma has more to gain by joining the world community. The fact that such officers have not yet acted doesn't mean there's no hope.

Also, how about the leaders of China and India, two of the generals' allies that have viewed the crackdown as an "internal affair?" That type of head-in-the-sand attitude is dangerously anachronistic in today's world and is doomed to backfire. China has clout, and there is hope that it may use its power to influence the generals to move toward some form of power-sharing, even while holding on to power. That would be a step in the right direction.

So, there's still hope for the democracy movement.

Recently, I spoke with leading activists who are deeply engaged in the democracy struggle.

"We confront their bullets," said one of them. "We put our heads under their clubs. We sacrifice and do as much as we can. Soon we will be thrown in prison again. We don't know when we will come out from that hell. Who outside can carry out this task?"

That is the question the pro-democracy movement inside and outside the country and the international community must now answer.

The post Where There's Struggle, There's Hope appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Cambodian Opposition Boycotts Parliament Over Vote

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 12:53 AM PDT

Sam Rainsy, president of the Cambodia National Rescue Party makes a point as he addresses reporters at his party's headquarters in Phnom Penh in July. (Photo: Reuters / Pring Samrang)

PHNOM PENH — The Cambodian opposition boycotted the opening of parliament Monday over alleged widespread cheating in the July elections, putting the country’s political crisis at a critical juncture.

Empty seats dotted the National Assembly as 55 lawmakers elected from the opposition were absent, while 68 ruling party lawmakers attended the session.

Authoritarian Prime Minister Hun Sen was poised to continue his 28 years in power during a re-election vote scheduled for Tuesday’s session. He sat alongside other lawmakers during a swearing-in session and made no comment about the boycott.

The opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party says it was cheated out of a victory because of electoral fraud. It had vowed for weeks to boycott parliament unless the government agreed to an independent probe of the July 28 election results.

The government rejected the demand of an independent probe, and King Norodam Sihamoni had urged the opposition to take its seats at the assembly, pointing to a constitutional stipulation that the assembly must be convened within 60 days of the election.

"The Cambodian nation must stand united," Sihamoni told the half-empty assembly as he convened parliament. He did not mention the boycott but called for an "active and vigorous implementation" of legal and judicial reforms—among the many reforms called for by the opposition.

As the ruling Cambodian People’s Party Party swore in its lawmakers, the opposition held its own symbolic ceremony far from the capital at the sacred temple of Angkor Wat, in Siem Reap.

The opposition lawmakers took an oath not to participate in government until justice is delivered, said Son Chhay, an opposition lawmaker.

Talks last week between Hun Sen and opposition leader Sam Rainsy failed to break the deadlock. Both sides agreed to seek a non-violent solution to the political crisis, following clashes and a shooting during an earlier demonstration that left one protester dead. They also pledged to work toward electoral reforms in the future.

Analysts say the question now is whether Hun Sen will cede ground to the opposition, and how the opposition will use its new clout—which includes an increase of 26 seats in the assembly.

Analysts are divided over the boycott strategy but say the election’s outcome shows a significant desire for change among voters.

Although Hun Sen is in a position to impose his will, a compromise would be in his interests to give his regime legitimacy, especially among foreign powers who have questioned the fairness of the polls.

The post Cambodian Opposition Boycotts Parliament Over Vote appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Man City Crush United, Arsenal and Spurs Top Table

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 12:45 AM PDT

Manchester City’s Samir Nasri celebrates scoring with teammates against Manchester United at the Etihad Stadium in Manchester on Sunday. (Photo: Reuters)

LONDON — David Moyes endured a humiliating first derby in charge of Manchester United as the champions suffered a crushing 4-1 defeat at Manchester City on Sunday.

Sergio Aguero scored twice while Yaya Toure and Samir Nasri were also on target for a rampant City as they moved into third place, two points behind early pace setters Arsenal and Tottenham Hotspur who both won to continue their strong starts.

Aaron Ramsey scored his seventh goal of the season as Arsenal beat Stoke City 3-1 at the Emirates Stadium while Brazilian Paulinho struck deep into stoppage time to earn Tottenham a 1-0 victory at Cardiff City.

Swansea City followed up a notable 3-0 Europa League win in Valencia in midweek with a 2-0 victory at Crystal Palace that moved Michael Laudrup’s side into mid-table.

It was events at the Etihad Stadium that reverberated around the Premier League though as United were blown away in their first derby without Alex Ferguson in charge since 1986.

Ferguson, who ended his glittering reign at United last season having won the title 13 times, was not present as his successor suffered a chastening afternoon—his side conceding three goals in five minutes either side of halftime.

Wayne Rooney curled in a precision free kick with the clock ticking down to become the highest United scorer in the history of the fixture but it was about the only ray of sunshine on a dreadful day for the Reds who were second best throughout.

"Maybe the game meant a little bit more to us than for them," City skipper Vincent Kompany told Sky Sports after leading City to their fourth victory in five league games against the 20-times league champions.

While Moyes was left to pick up the pieces, his City counterpart Manuel Pellegrini, also sampling the atmosphere of a Manchester derby for the first time, was celebrating a display which sent out a powerful message to the title contenders.

"I’m very happy, not because of the win but the way we played," Pellegrini, whose side had lacked a little spark so far this season, told Sky Sports. "No-one believes that 4-1 is possible before the game. For the fans they will be happy for the month now."

United have picked up only seven points from five league games and there will be no respite for Moyes whose team face arch rivals Liverpool in the League Cup on Wednesday.

Moyes was deprived of injured striker Robin van Persie on Sunday but offered no excuses for a woeful display.

"We didn’t play well enough to win the game," Moyes said. "If you lose four you are not expecting to win too many. We conceded poor goals. We got better as the game went on but it was too late."

City began with more urgency and took the lead when a flowing move saw Aleksandar Kolarov’s cross pick out Aguero who produced a superbly improvised volley.

United looked like reaching the interval with no further damage but Toure turned in Alvaro Negredo’s header with his knee. Aguero struck again two minutes after the interval when the Argentine was again left unmarked to tap in.

With United staggering on the ropes Jesus Navas then broke down the right and picked out Nasri to volley City’s fourth. Patrice Evra hit the post for United before Rooney, still wearing protection on a head cut, beat Joe Hart with a beauty.

"I thought Wayne Rooney’s performance was outstanding," Moyes said. "He didn’t deserve to be on the losing side today."

Arsenal fans came to acclaim record signing Mesut Ozil on his home debut and were rewarded as the German international had a hand in his side’s three goals.

His free kick after five minutes was not held by Stoke keeper Asmir Begovic and Ramsey poached the rebound.

Stoke did equalise after 26 minutes through American Geoff Cameron but Per Mertesacker then headed in Ozil’s cross and Bacary Sagna’s loppy header, again from an Ozil pass, sealed the points for the Gunners.

"When you look at his numbers, the assists are not a coincidence, they are a reality of his game," Arsenal boss Arsene Wenger told reporters.

"I believe that once he is completely integrated we will see even more of him. But he’s shown today that he is a great player. He gave a lift to everyone in the club."

Tottenham looked like being frustrated at Cardiff whose keeper David Marshall was in fine form, but struck late through Paulinho, one of several pre-season signings.

"Today it was different from normal in that there was justice in football," Spurs manager Andre Villas-Boas said. "We created so many chances that there could only be one winner."

Tottenham have conceded only once in the league this season, in a 1-0 defeat at Arsenal, but stay behind their north London rivals who have superior goal difference.

The post Man City Crush United, Arsenal and Spurs Top Table appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Two Arrested After Rihanna Poses With Protected Primate in Thailand

Posted: 23 Sep 2013 12:38 AM PDT

The American singer Rihanna poses with a slow loris in Thailand. (Photo: Instagram)

BANGKOK — Pop star Rihanna spent a weekend at the beach in Thailand, leaving behind a trail of racy tweets and an incriminating Instagram photograph showing her cuddling an endangered primate. That didn't go down well with authorities, who arrested two people for allegedly peddling protected species.

On a break from her Diamonds World Tour, Rihanna visited the Thai island of Phuket, where she befriended the wildlife.

An Instagram photo she also shared on Twitter showed her in sunglasses snuggling up to a furry primate called the slow loris and was captioned: "Look who was talkin dirty to me!"

The slow loris, a squirrel-like animal with big eyes, is native to Southeast Asia and is listed as a protected species.

"Phuket authorities were alerted to the picture [of Rihanna], and last night police arrested the two individuals who brought out the loris as a photo opportunity for tourists," a Phuket district chief, Weera Kerdsirimongkon, said by telephone Sunday.

Police confiscated two lorises from the pair—a 20-year-old man and a 16-year-old boy—who could face charges of possession of protected animals. The charge carries a penalty of up to four years in prison and a 40,000 baht ($1,300) fine.

Weera said authorities have tried for years to crack down on the problem of vendors exploiting wildlife, particularly in popular tourist areas where people pay to pose for pictures with elephants, orangutans and other animals.

"It's like a cat-and-mouse game. But this time it's bigger because a celebrity like Rihanna posted the picture, and there were more than 200,000 'likes' from around the world," he said.

Rihanna also posted a picture of herself playing with a herd of elephants in the street Friday night, with the comment: "They all hail Empress when She walk by."

On the same night, she tweeted a few unprintable comments about what she apparently witnessed at an adult show in one of Phuket's red-light districts.

Saturday's social media postings were devoted to the beach and photographs of the singer in a black bikini on a boat surrounded by turquoise water with limestone cliffs in the distance.

Before leaving Thailand on Sunday, she posted from the airport: "Gave the immigration guy my passport and he handed me this in return without a word. Lol." The Instagram image had a picture of the singer that said "I love Rihanna."

She performed on Sunday in Singapore before her tour heads to Australia and New Zealand.

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Powerful Typhoon Strikes Southern China; 21 Dead

Posted: 22 Sep 2013 10:39 PM PDT

People watch waves hit the shores as Typhoon Usagi approaches in Shantou, Guangdong province, September 22, 2013. (Photo: Reuters)

BEIJING — The year's most powerful typhoon slammed into southern China, leaving 21 dead, local authorities said Monday. The storm also forced hundreds of flight cancellations, shut down shipping and train lines and blew cars off the road.

The deaths occurred in Guangdong province, where Typhoon Usagi struck Sunday evening after veering away from the neighboring and densely populated financial hub of Hong Kong. It had earlier passed by Taiwan and the Philippines, where two deaths were reported.

The Guangdong provincial government's news office said on its official microblog that 13 of the 21 people were killed in Shanwei city, near the typhoon's landfall.

The official Xinhua News Agency had earlier reported three deaths—two killed when strong winds brought down a tree ahead of the typhoon's arrival, and a third person killed by falling window glass.

One county's electricity and water supply was cut off and houses were toppled by strong winds, Xinhua said. At one gas station near Shanwei city, winds blew cars off the road, it said.

In Hong Kong, dozens of trees were reported down and 13 people had sought medical treatment and seven of these were admitted to hospital, according to the Hong Kong government's information services department.

Usagi—Japanese for rabbit—was classified as a severe typhoon and had sustained winds of 175 kilometers (109 miles) per hour, with gusts of up to 213 kph (132 mph), on Sunday evening.

The storm had been a super typhoon on Saturday when it passed through the Luzon Strait separating the Philippines and Taiwan, a path likely sparing both places from the most destructive winds near its eye.

In the Philippines, Usagi left at least two people dead and two others missing, while in Taiwan nine people were hurt by falling trees.

The typhoon landed near the city of Shanwei in the Chinese province of Guangdong, about 140 kilometers (87 miles) northeast of Hong Kong, and was moving west-northwest at 22 kph (14 mph), the Hong Kong Observatory said late Sunday.

Intercity trains including the high-speed rail to Beijing, Shenzhen and Hong Kong would remain suspended until Tuesday, Xinhua said.
Ferry services between Hong Kong and nearby Macau and outlying islands were suspended as the observatory reported winds as strong as 68 kph (42 mph) and warned that a storm surge and heavy rains could cause flooding in low-lying areas.

Police in Shanwei ordered more than 8,000 fishing boats to return to port and more than 1,200 residents were taken to temporary shelters, China's official Xinhua news agency reported.

The typhoon wreaked havoc on airport schedules in Hong Kong, nearby Macau and mainland China, upsetting travel plans for many passengers who were returning home at the end of the three-day mid-autumn festival long weekend.

Hong Kong International Airport said 370 arriving and departing flights were canceled and another 64 delayed. Two of Hong Kong's biggest airlines, Cathay Pacific Airways and Dragonair, canceled flights to and from the city's airport starting at 6 p.m. Sunday. Cathay Pacific said Monday it would resume flights at noon, weather and safety conditions permitting.

Beijing-based Air China scrubbed 148 flights to and from Hong Kong, Macau and five nearby mainland cities. China Southern Airlines, based in Guangzhou, canceled all flights to and from Hong Kong and three mainland airports, Xinhua said.

Fujian province suspended shipping between mainland China and Taiwan, the news agency said.
Authorities in Guangdong initiated an emergency response plan for the Daya Bay nuclear power station northeast of Hong Kong as Usagi approached, ordering four of six reactors to operate at a reduced load, Xinhua said.

In Taiwan, more than 3,300 people were evacuated from flood-prone areas and mountainous regions. Rail service was restored Sunday on a rail line that had been buried by a landslide.

Another landslide late Saturday in the southeastern hot springs resort village of Chihpen sent mud and rocks crashing through the ground floor of a resort spa, forcing the evacuation of frightened guests. The Chihpen River breached its levies upriver, turning the village's main street into a rock-strewn stream, flooding homes and damaging vehicles.

In the Philippines, two people drowned and two went missing when a passenger boat capsized in rough waters off northeastern Aurora province, the Office of Civil Defense said Saturday. Nine passengers and crew were rescued.

The typhoon set off landslides and flooded parts of six Philippine provinces, but additional casualties were not reported.

The post Powerful Typhoon Strikes Southern China; 21 Dead appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.
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