The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Villagers, Activists Claim Innocence of Student Charged in Chinese Workers’ Kidnapping
• Burmese Gas Firm Official Confirms Plans for Doubling of CNG Price
• Latest Round of Nationwide Ceasefire Talks Kicks Off
• Burma Gives Citizenship to 209 displaced Muslims, Including Rohingya
• Burmese Migrant Among Suspects in Koh Tao Murders
• Photo of the week (Sep 22, 2014)
• Hundreds Gather in Rangoon to Mark World Peace Day
• Pa-O Leader Frets Over Soldiers’ Alleged Detention by Shan Rebels
• India, China Quietly Struggle in Indian Ocean
• Hong Kong Students to Boycott Class to Protest China Curbs on Democracy
• Fiji Election Results Confirm Big Win for Ruler 
• In Search of the Deep South

Villagers, Activists Claim Innocence of Student Charged in Chinese Workers’ Kidnapping Posted: 22 Sep 2014 05:54 AM PDT Phyu Hnin Htwe, a 23-year-old university student from central Mandalay Division, who is being detained in Monywa Prison. (Photo: Pyae Phyo) Phyu Hnin Htwe, a 23-year-old university student from central Mandalay Division, was a welcome guest in the Hsete village, which she regularly visited to help the 10th grade students of poor local families with their studies. The activist student felt a strong sympathy for the plight of the village in Sagaing Division's Yinmabin Township, one of 26 villages that have been embroiled in a drawn-out land dispute with Wanbao, a Chinese mining company excavating copper deposits from the Letpadaung Mountain. Her activities with the children in Hsete village on May 18 would prove fateful after authorities decided that they would charge her in connection with the alleged kidnapping that day of two Chinese workers by local villagers who oppose the mine. On Sept 13, months after the incident, police visited her hometown of Patheingyi in Mandalay, located some 100 km to the east, and arrested her. The young student has spent the last ten nights in Monywa Prison and could face up to ten years in prison on charges of kidnapping and abduction if the court finds her guilty. Her friends and family, and local villagers, have been left stunned by the fact that authorities would seek to arrest Phyu Hnin Htwe, and insist she has nothing to do with the May 18 incident. "She had been helping the children from our villages for about two years. At that time of the incident in May, she was at the village helping the children," said Ma Sandar, who lives in Tone, a village neighboring Hsete. "She was not involved in the abduction case." Phyu Hnin Htwe is scheduled to appear at Yinmabin District Court on Tuesday, according to her brother Pyae Phyo, who visited her in prison in recent days. "She asked about the villagers and the people she works with when I went to meet her at the prison, instead of asking first about her family," said Pyae Phyo, who is a National League for Democracy member in Mandalay. He said she was passionate about helping communities affected by land-grabbing, adding, "She devoted her time to the land rights movement and has been protesting and helping the [Monywa] villagers since 2012." Phyu Hnin Htwe has been following a long-distance studying course at Mandalay's Yadanabon University and is a member of its students' union, which is part of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU). The ABFSU has called for Phyu Hnin Htwe's immediate release, saying that she is being falsely accused. Kyaw Ko Ko, chair of the ABFSU central committee, said the group had launched a campaign calling for the release of Phyu Hnin Htwe. He said he had attempted to contact Wanbao company and local authorities in order to find out who had been the plaintiff in the case against her, but had been unable to find out. Yinmabin Township is one several townships where communities have been affected by the copper mine. Wanbao company has been granted huge swathes of farmland by the government, but thousands of farmers claim they have not been properly compensated for the confiscation of their land. The Letpadaung copper mine is a joint venture of Wanbao and the military-owned Union of Myanmar Economics Holding limited and has been deeply unpopular with the wider Burmese public. Activists from across Burma have come out in support of the affected communities. On May 18, the villagers in Yinmabin Township were angered when they saw Chinese Wanbao employees carrying out survey works on recently seized lands. Villagers believed the aim of the company was to later fence in the area. They consequently brought the two men, along with a Burmese Wanbao employee, to Hsete village. The Burmese national was released the same day, but the Chinese employees were held for about 30 hours. Ma Sandar said the villagers had never intended to harm the freedom of movement of the company workers, adding that they had has just hoped to force the company to negotiate with them. She said, "But it did not turn out as we expected." A total of seven people were charged with abduction in May; five were arrested and later pardoned by the court. Phyu Hnin Htwe and Win Kyaw, a local villager, were also charged but did not show up for the trial. Until recently, Monywa authorities had made no attempt to arrest the two. Win Kyaw still remains at large. The post Villagers, Activists Claim Innocence of Student Charged in Chinese Workers' Kidnapping appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Gas Firm Official Confirms Plans for Doubling of CNG Price Posted: 22 Sep 2014 05:40 AM PDT Taxis fueled by compressed natural gas are parked in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The price of compressed natural gas (CNG), which is used in almost all public buses and many taxis in Rangoon, will rise by 100 percent, but likely not until sometime next year, an official from the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise says, denying local media reports that the price hike would take place effective Oct. 1. Local media reported last week that the CNG price would be doubled from the beginning of next month, but Burma's Ministry of Energy denied those reports on Friday, posting on its Facebook page that any change in the fuel price would occur only after informing the public in advance. "All CNG filling stations were saying that the price would increase to double on October 1. But I heard the officials denied it. We are not sure now. So, we have to wait and see on October 1," Win Shein, a taxi driver from Rangoon's Thuwanna Township, told The Irrawaddy on Monday. An official from the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which operates under the auspices of the Ministry of Energy, confirmed that MOGE had presented a proposal to the ministry early this year that would see the price of the fuel double, citing the fact that the state-run company is currently selling CNG at a loss. "We are selling the CNG for four times cheaper than the current gasoline price. So we planned to increase up to double," said the official, who asked not to be named. The current CNG price is about 273 kyats (US$0.27) per kilogram. "The ministry will submit [the price hike proposal] to Parliament and we will increase the price after that. But it wouldn't be rising this year, since there is not much time left in the year and the ministry still hasn't yet submitted the price change proposal to Parliament," the MOGE official said. Win Shein, the taxi driver, said that if the price of CNG were to double, there would be little difference between the operating costs of CNG- versus gasoline-fueled taxis. Currently, CNG-fueled taxis are significantly cheaper to operate than their gasoline-fueled counterparts. "The gasoline-fueled taxis avoid the places of traffic jams like downtown because if they have to spend more time in traffic, that's more money on fuel. If the CNG price were to double, we would have to avoid the places with traffic jams too," he said. He said that currently he spends 5,000 kyats to fill his CNG tank per day, and that gasoline-fueled taxis spend 10,000 to 12,000 kyats on fuel daily. "If it is doubled, I'll have to pay 10,000 [kyats] for gas," he said, adding that buses, which spend around 16,000 kyats per day on CNG, would also be affected. "The buses' fees will likely increase too," Win Shein said. CNG is sold by MOGE at 45 filling stations nationwide: 40 in Rangoon and five in central Burma, in and around Mandalay. A program to convert vehicles to CNG was initiated in 1986 and was renewed in 2004, corresponding to respective spikes in the international price of oil. Thousands of buses, taxis and other vehicles were converted under the direction of the Burmese government. The official from MOGE said that although the domestic price of CNG was likely to double, even such a hike would still compare favorably to other countries. In Singapore, the Philippines and Cambodia, CNG is sold at the equivalent to more than 1,000 kyats per kilogram. "Since they [other countries] are importing the CNG, the price is much higher," he said. The taxi driver, Win Shein, said the Burmese government claimed when the CNG program was launched that the country's CNG reserves would last for 90 years, allowing for its sale at a rate well below the regional market price. "They started selling it at around 54 kyats per kilogram. After that, they increased it five times up to 273 kyats," he added. There were 26,848 CNG-fueled vehicles registered through 2008, according to the MOGE. The government capped the conversion of vehicles to CNG after that, allowing only for the one-off conversion of an additional 289 buses in 2013. The post Burmese Gas Firm Official Confirms Plans for Doubling of CNG Price appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Latest Round of Nationwide Ceasefire Talks Kicks Off Posted: 22 Sep 2014 05:02 AM PDT Nai Hong Sar, who leads the National Ceasefire Coordination Team, speaks to reporters at the Myanmar Peace Center in Rangoon on Monday. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — The government's lead peace negotiator has pledged to push ahead with talks to end decades of conflict in Burma no matter the obstacles, as officials from Naypyidaw sit down with ethnic rebel groups this week for the latest round of talks on reaching a nationwide ceasefire accord. President's Office Minister Aung Min, who chairs the government's Union Peacemaking Work Committee (UPWC), made the vow at a meeting between the UPWC and ethnic armed groups' National Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) at the government-affiliated Myanmar Peace Center on Monday in Rangoon. "The government has agreed in its [ceasefire] draft to build a new nation, recognizing the term 'federal,' which has never been recognized in Burma's history," Aung Min said. "We, the government, intend to solve political problems politically and hold an all-inclusive political dialogue," he added. The latest discussions are the sixth round in a series of ceasefire talks between the UPWC and NCCT. The government has said it hopes to ink a nationwide ceasefire accord next month, though several previous self-imposed deadlines for a signing have come and gone over the last year. This week's talks will focus on military affairs, said NCCT member Khun Okkar. "In the previous discussions, we only agreed in principle on military affairs," he said. "We'll discuss it in detail this time." "Ethnic groups have proposed that a leading committee [to discuss military affairs] be formed with ethnic representatives. But the government viewed the move as a counterbalancing act and we are therefore negotiating on it. "Then, we'll negotiate military deployments and a code of conduct and rules and regulations for the armed forces. But I think it will be difficult to negotiate those rules and regulations," he said. Nai Hong Sar, who leads the NCCT, called on the military representatives in attendance this week, including Lt-Gen Myint Soe who commands troops in conflict-torn Kachin State, to take "bold steps" to bridge the gap between the two sides' visions of what a nationwide ceasefire should look like. "The other side [the military] needs to take bold steps now as the president has begun to see things correctly. We will be able to solve the problems if we try to find a solution peacefully, as brothers," he said. The current ceasefire draft is made up of seven chapters. The ongoing meeting will concentrate on issues related to military deployments and establishing a code of conduct comprised of rules for troops on both sides of the conflict. In addition to Aung Min, the government sent Minister of Immigration and Population Khin Yi to this week's talks. A parliamentary representative and several high-ranking generals from the Burma Army also attended Monday's meeting, as did senior members of the NCCT including Khun Okkar, Gen. Gun Maw and Salai Lian Hmong Sakhong. The post Latest Round of Nationwide Ceasefire Talks Kicks Off appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burma Gives Citizenship to 209 displaced Muslims, Including Rohingya Posted: 22 Sep 2014 04:10 AM PDT A family sits in front of their temporary shelter at a Rohingya refugee camp in Sittwe, Arakan State, on April 2, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) RANGOON — Burma gave citizenship on Monday to 209 Muslims displaced by sectarian violence, after the first phase of a project aimed at determining the status of about a million Rohingya whose claims to nationality have been rejected in the past. The Rohingya Muslim minority live under apartheid-like conditions in Arakan State in the west, needing permission to move from their villages or from camps where almost 140,000 remain after being displaced in deadly clashes with ethnic Arakanese Buddhists in 2012. The government and many people in the predominantly Buddhist country refer to them as "Bengali", a term that implies they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, although Rohingya families have lived in the area for generations. Officials from Burma’s immigration ministry told Reuters that 1,094 Muslims took part in the pilot verification process in displacement camps in Myebon, which is about 51 km (32 miles) from the state capital, Sittwe, and accessible only by boat. Some of the 209 who received citizenship were members of the Kaman Muslim minority, who are recognized by the government as indigenous to Burma, but there were also Rohingya. Officials were not immediately able to explain why this group had been given citizenship, nor how many Rohingya were included. Aung Win, a Rohingya community leader in Sittwe, said many had refused to take part in the verification process because they did not want to list their identity as Bengali, as required by the authorities. Rights advocates say the Rohingya should be allowed to choose how they are described, but others say the importance of the citizenship verification process trumps such concerns because it is necessary to resolve the issue of statelessness. Many Rohingya are effectively stateless because they are not recognized as citizens by Burma or by neighboring Bangladesh. Some United Nations agencies working in Burma have adopted a policy of avoiding the word Rohingya because it angers officials and nationalist religious leaders in Arakan State, who can block them from carrying out humanitarian work. In June, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said it had been asked by state officials to apologize for saying "Rohingya" during a presentation outlining development plans. Most Rohingya were excluded from an UN-backed census earlier this year because they refused to list their identities as Bengali. David Mathieson, a senior researcher on Burma with New York-based Human Rights Watch, said agencies that cave in to the government are abdicating responsibility to defend the rights of the Rohingya. "This isn’t some kind of practical way to ensure long-term aid and development," he said. "This is active connivance in systemic abuse against a minority." The post Burma Gives Citizenship to 209 displaced Muslims, Including Rohingya appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Burmese Migrant Among Suspects in Koh Tao Murders Posted: 22 Sep 2014 03:30 AM PDT Police measure footprints of a man as data is collected from people who work near the spot where bodies of two killed British tourists were found on the island of Koh Tao on Sept. 19, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Chaiwat Subprasom) CHIANG MAI, Thailand – The investigation into the murder of two British tourists on the southern Thai island of Koh Tao now centers on two key suspects, a Burmese migrant worker and a Thai national, according to Thai police working on the case. A police source told the Bangkok Post on Monday that investigators had obtained new clues about a Thai man and a Burmese migrant worker suspected of killing the two young tourists Hannah Witheridge, 23, and David Miller, 24. Htoo Chit, executive director of the Thailand-based Foundation for Education and Development, an organization that works with migrant workers, told The Irrawaddy, "We heard that a Burmese migrant worker has become a new suspect. He has not been arrested yet. Only a DNA sample has been linked to him. Thai authorities are focusing on migrant workers and Thai residents there [on Koh Tao] as the latest DNA samples show that the killers are Asian." Htoo Chit said that his organization was in contact with the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok in order to help Burmese migrants working on Koh Tao. "They [Thai police] question everyone they suspect now. We heard they even beat a Burmese migrant worker called "Lin" in an interrogation. So, we plan to send a Burmese team with Thai lawyers tomorrow to assess the situation there and offer help to the migrants if needed," said Htoo Chit. Police are stepping up their investigation, conducting DNA samples of all residents on the island, including migrant workers and tourists. Investigators had already taken DNA samples from six Burmese migrant workers last week, but none of their samples matched DNA found at the scene of the murders. According to the Bangkok Post report, over 50 marine police officers were sent to Koh Tao to inspect fishing boats and ferries operating near the island and check the records of migrants working as part of fishing crews. The bodies of the two British tourists were found on a beach in Koh Tao last Monday. The post Burmese Migrant Among Suspects in Koh Tao Murders appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Photo of the week (Sep 22, 2014) Posted: 22 Sep 2014 03:17 AM PDT The post Photo of the week (Sep 22, 2014) appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Hundreds Gather in Rangoon to Mark World Peace Day Posted: 22 Sep 2014 02:51 AM PDT A woman attending the Women's Peace March in Kandawgyi Lake Park claps enthusiastically during a performance. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — At several sites in Rangoon on Sunday, hundreds of activists gathered to mark the International Day of Peace and call for an end to conflict in Burma. A festive mood prevailed at the Women's Peace March, one of three peace rallies held in the city this weekend, where several hundred women belonging to various women's organizations showed up wearing blue shirts emblazoned with the peace symbol and a slogan 'No Women, No Peace.' While singing songs, they walked from Kabar Aye Pagoda Road in central Rangoon to Kandawgyi Lake Park, where a stage had been prepared for several performances of female singers and poets, all of whom had a message of peace and called for an end to violence in Burma. The post Hundreds Gather in Rangoon to Mark World Peace Day appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Pa-O Leader Frets Over Soldiers’ Alleged Detention by Shan Rebels Posted: 21 Sep 2014 11:09 PM PDT Pa-O National Liberation Organization chairman Khun Myint Htun listens while attending a recent ethnic conference near Chiang Mai, Thailand, on Sept. 2. (Photo: Seamus Martov / The Irrawaddy) The chairman of the Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO) says he remains concerned about the fate of three of his soldiers, who he claims were captured by the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) about one month ago. "I hope they are freed soon," the PNLO leader, Khun Myint Htun, told The Irrawaddy. According to Khun Myint Htun, PNLO Sgt. Khun Mar and two of his subordinates, Khun Aung Tha and Khun Ohn Npe, were detained by RCSS troops in southern Shan State on Aug. 21 while on patrol near Naung Kaung Ki in Mauk Mae Township. In a recent interview with The Irrawaddy, RCSS spokesperson Sai Ngin claimed that the three PNLO soldiers had switched sides and joined his group of their own free will. "These three soldiers came and joined the RCSS forces, we did not arrest them. If they want to go back home or have a desire to go back to their organization, we are ready to let them go," he said. The RCSS, whose armed wing is known as the Shan State Army-South, is one of Burma's larger ethnic armed groups and has a strong presence in southeastern Shan State, particularly along the Thai border. Khun Myint Htun rejected the RCSS assertion about his soldiers' alleged defection, calling the claim "completely not true." According to the PNLO chairman, the RCSS has made clear to him that his soldiers would be released once a territorial disagreement between the PNLO and RCSS is resolved. Khun Myint Htun said that neither he nor anyone else from the PNLO has been allowed to speak to the three soldiers since their capture. Relations between the RCSS and the PNLO have been strained in recent years, and exacerbated by the PNLO's signing of a ceasefire with Burmese authorities in 2012. That ceasefire and another agreement signed in 2013 recognized PNLO claims over parts of southern Shan State that the RCSS also claims as its own. Of particular contention is a new village being constructed for PNLO soldiers and their families called Khanpake in Kadugyi. Last month the RCSS sent the PNLO two letters ordering them to withdraw from Khanpake and much of the territory that was recognized in the Pa-O group's ceasefire with the government as being under PNLO control. Khanpake is being built with the permission of government authorities. Another source of contention between the two groups appears to stem from the fact that many RCSS troops serving in areas near PNLO territory are in fact ethnic Pa-O. Their ethnic identity has caused the RCSS to see the PNLO as a threat, suggested an ethnic Pa-O who spoke on condition of anonymity. Khun Myint Htun said he remained optimistic that his group, which is significantly smaller than the RCSS, can work things out with its armed neighbors. The two sides are due to meet next month to iron out their differences. "I hope we can solve this," Khun Myint Htun said. During their most recent meeting with the RCSS, Khun Myint Htun and his PNLO colleagues were joined earlier this month by representatives from the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Wa National Organization (WNO). Both groups are allied with the PNLO through the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a coalition of Burma's armed ethnic groups. Unlike the PNLO, the RCSS is not a member of the UNFC. Clashes between RCSS and PNLO forces broke out earlier this month in southern Shan State near where the PNLO soldiers were allegedly captured. Khun Myint Htun, who won a seat in Burma's 1990 national election, has a rather unique background that sets him apart from his fellow ethnic rebel leaders. At the time of his victory, the then 26-year-old was the youngest National League for Democracy (NLD) MP-elect. As with rest of his NLD colleagues, who won an overwhelming 80 percent of the seats in that election, Khun Myint Htun never took office due to the military regime's refusal to recognize the election results. In 1996, Khun Myint Htun was part of the NLD delegation that walked out of the National Convention tasked with drafting a Constitution, a move that led to his jailing by the military regime for seven years and three months. Shortly after being released in 2003, Khun Myint Htun fled to Thailand where he eventually linked up with the various Pa-O groups that merged to form a reconstituted PNLO in 2009. Khun Myint Htun severed his ties with the NLD following the dissolution of the exile grouping of NLD members known as the NLD Liberated Area (NLD-LA) in 2012. The former MP-elect turned rebel leader became PNLO chairman in 2013, replacing longtime Pa-O leader Khun Okkar. The post Pa-O Leader Frets Over Soldiers' Alleged Detention by Shan Rebels appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

India, China Quietly Struggle in Indian Ocean Posted: 21 Sep 2014 11:03 PM PDT India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi, right, and China's President Xi Jinping wave before their meeting in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad on Sept. 17, 2014. (Photo: Reuters / Amit Dave) NEW DELHI — At first glance, it looks like a diplomatic love-fest. There was Chinese President Xi Jinping, toasting the birthday of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a quiet dinner last week in Modi's home state. There were the two leaders, deep in conversation as they walked along the Sabarmati River, Xi dressed in a Nehru jacket. The men are full of praise for one another, and one another's countries. Xi gushes over India as "an enchanting and beautiful land." Modi declares that their pledges to work together "will open big gates for progress and development in the world." Just a few hours into Xi's three-day visit, Indian newspapers were awash with accomplishments: a joint industrial park, a sister-city pact, ramped up cultural ties, business deals and investment promises from China worth well more than US$20 billion. Left largely unspoken, though, are the deep worries in India over Chinese maneuvering in the Indian Ocean, where New Delhi's years of dominance is being chipped away by billions of dollars in aid from Beijing and gargantuan Chinese construction projects. And while China's recent push for dominance in the South China and East China seas get more attention, the quiet contest for influence in the Indian Ocean is being watched carefully from Tokyo to Washington. More than anything else, the worries are over energy. The tankers that move through the Indian Ocean carry 80 percent of China's oil, 65 percent of India's and 60 percent of Japan's, making those waters crucially important to three of Asia's great powers. A significant slowdown in tanker traffic—whether from diplomatic standoff, piracy or war—could cripple those countries and send shockwaves around the world. So for years Beijing has been working to ensure it is not left out of the regional equation, building ports and forging alliances in coastal nations from Burma to Pakistan. "China wants to be a major player in the Indian Ocean, alongside India and the US," said Kanwal Sibal, a former Indian foreign secretary who also held a series of ambassadorships. Xi's latest initiative is the maritime Silk Road, a series of agreements that would link China to Europe by sea. But if China heralds the Silk Road as a vision of international cooperation, many in the Indian government worry it is a Trojan horse to hide Beijing's expanding influence, said Sibal, who is well-connected in New Delhi's foreign policy circles. "It is a precursor to eventually positioning themselves more permanently in the Indian Ocean," he said. Xi, notably, made two stops before arriving in India, both in Indian Ocean nations. First came the Maldives, the isolated archipelago and high-end tourist destination where Beijing's influence has been growing steadily. Next was Sri Lanka, a war-battered island nation where China has become the largest investor, and where it has built a colossal port in the once-quiet town of Hambantota. "They are building pockets of influence," Sibal said. Beijing, for its part, firmly denies it is on a quest for Indian Ocean influence. In a signing ceremony for the Silk Road plan in Sri Lanka, Xi called it a chance to "strengthen our cooperation" in everything from port development to maritime security. Wang Shaopu, director of the Center for Pan-Pacific Studies at Shanghai Jiaotong University, noted that competition was natural given the importance of the region. But, he added, that doesn't make conflict inevitable. "China and India should make a high priority of cooperation and avoid letting competition become cutthroat," he said. "I think both countries already have realized this." Publicly, that is definitely the case. The neighbors might have plenty of room for disagreement, from an immense Indian trade deficit to an Indian state that China claims as its own territory. But they have also become highly adept at avoiding the most sensitive issues, playing down disagreements to focus on economic growth. Even in India, where China's emergence as a world power stings national pride deeply, plenty of people say that's not automatically a bad thing. China "has the opportunity to build massive infrastructure," across the Indian Ocean as part of the Silk Road initiative, said Vijay Sakhuja, a former Indian naval officer and head of the New Delhi-based National Maritime Foundation. "They make world-class ports … So can we emulate them or partake" of what they build? India, however, is also being careful not to put too much trust in China, forging diplomatic agreements in an attempt to balance Beijing's growing strength. Just weeks ago, for instance, Modi returned from a highly successful trip to Japan, China's fiercest rival, bringing home pledges of billions of dollars in aid and investment along with agreements to strengthen security and economic ties. Then, just days ago, the Indian and Vietnamese presidents issued a joint statement calling for freedom of navigation in the South China and East China seas—a clear jab at Beijing's aggressiveness in the region. And the underlying tensions between India and China never go completely away. Indian officials said a few days ago that Chinese soldiers had again entered Indian territory in the isolated Himalayan border region of Ladakh. The soldiers were said to be building a road. While Modi made a brief mention Thursday of border disagreements during a joint appearance with Xi—saying he had raised the issue of the "repeated incursions" with the Chinese leader—his statement was overwhelmingly positive, concluding by saying their relationship was "filled with vast opportunities." That didn't surprise Sibal. "We rarely speak frankly to China," said Sibal, the former diplomat said. "We have preferred to speak about areas where we have common interests." Researcher Yu Bing in Beijing contributed to this report. The post India, China Quietly Struggle in Indian Ocean appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Hong Kong Students to Boycott Class to Protest China Curbs on Democracy Posted: 21 Sep 2014 11:00 PM PDT Occupy Central protesters shout slogans during a rally after a march in Hong Kong September 14, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — Hong Kong students are preparing for a showdown with Beijing over democratic reforms by boycotting classes on Monday, as a restive younger generation challenges the Chinese Communist Party’s tightening grip on the city. The former British colony returned to China in 1997 with a high degree of autonomy, but Beijing’s rejection of the right to freely choose the city’s next leader has prompted threats from activists to shut down the Central financial district as part of their pro-democracy campaign. As a prelude to the "Occupy Central" shutdown expected next month, students from 24 universities and colleges plan a week-long citywide campaign of civil disobedience, including classroom strikes, mass gatherings and downtown protests. Leading academics in Hong Kong have voiced support for the boycott, with some offering to record lectures and post them online for students who miss school to watch later. Managing Hong Kong is proving a challenge for Beijing, which is worried that calls for democracy in Hong Kong and the nearby former Portuguese colony of Macau could spread to cities on the mainland, threatening the Communist Party’s grip on power. China said in the Basic Law mini-constitution for post-1997 Hong Kong that universal suffrage was an eventual aim. Late last month, it said it would permit a vote for Hong Kong’s next chief executive, but only for a handful of pre-screened candidates. "The new generation is totally dissatisfied," said Alex Chow, leader of the Hong Kong Federation of Students which said in a statement that Beijing had "murdered" Hong Kong’s hopes and three-decade-long struggle to realize full democracy. It’s not clear how many students will take part in the strike, though recent protests have drawn thousands, including an overnight sit-in in Central on July 2 that was cleared by police with over 500 arrests. Official Chinese media has vilified Hong Kong student leaders and warned them not to stir up trouble. The Hong Kong government department responsible for education has said repeatedly that it does not support the boycott, but also that it will not interfere. 'We May Have to Join Them' The students plan to hold a mass assembly at a university campus on Monday before "relocating" to other public areas, including a site near government headquarters that some say could snowball into something bigger. Benny Tai, one of the organizers of the Occupy Central movement, said it may launch its sit-in early if the students gain momentum. "We have to prepare for that. After the public meeting, if they march to Central, then we may have to join them," Tai said. The strike reflects a growing trend of civil disobedience among students in greater China, including Macau and self-ruled Taiwan, where a large group occupied the island’s legislature for three weeks in March and April to oppose a controversial trade pact with China. It was one of the largest protests in years in Taiwan, which China regards as a breakaway province, and the pact was shelved for review. "Among young people in Hong Kong, there is a growing sentiment of mistrust towards the Chinese government," said Agnes Chow of the student group Scholarism that has urged high school pupils to join the strike at the end of next week. "It’s not because we feel we aren’t Chinese and it’s not because we dislike China as a country," she said. "We feel we cannot trust the government in power." Some of the Hong Kong students’ more radical tactics have yielded results before and angered Beijing. In 2012, Hong Kong was forced to shelve plans for a compulsory pro-China "national education" curriculum plan in schools after students led week-long protests drawing thousands, saying the plan was tantamount to brainwashing. A well-placed source with ties to senior Hong Kong and Chinese officials said China was furious with the Hong Kong government’s capitulation at the time in front of what it considered to be no more than a bunch of "rebellious kids". "The students see themselves as Hong Kongers above all else and I think that’s the key thing," said Matthew Torne, a British filmmaker who made a documentary about the Hong Kong student activists. "When your home is under attack – which is how they see it – then you are willing to stand up and fight." The post Hong Kong Students to Boycott Class to Protest China Curbs on Democracy appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

Fiji Election Results Confirm Big Win for Ruler  Posted: 21 Sep 2014 10:55 PM PDT An election poster for Voreqe "Frank" Bainimarama can be seen in the rear window of a taxi as a man gestures from the doorway of a local gymnasium in the Fiji capital of Suva August 26, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) SUVA — Official results Monday from a landmark Fiji election confirm a big win for the nation’s military ruler. Voreqe Bainimarama and his Fiji First party won an outright majority in the Parliament by taking 32 of 50 seats, according to results released by the Fijian Elections Office. Last Wednesday’s election marked the first time people in the South Pacific nation have gone to the polls since Bainimarama seized control in a 2006 coup. The opposition Social Democratic Liberal Party (Sodelpa) won 15 seats and the National Federation Party won three. Bainimarama is due to be sworn in as prime minister-elect during a ceremony on Monday. But he did not wait for the official results to claim victory. "I am greatly honored and humbled that the Fijian people put their trust in me to lead them into our new and true democracy," he said at a church service in Suva on Sunday. "My absolute promise is that we will govern for the wellbeing of all Fijians." During his speech, Bainimarama defended the coup and thanked the military. "I publicly acknowledge and thank them for their camaraderie, vision, perseverance and their sacrifice," he said. "It is because of their legacy that today we have a democratically elected parliamentary government." The Fijian Elections Office said voter turnout was 84 percent with almost 500,000 ballots cast. Bainimarama alone won just over 200,000 votes, and, when other candidates from his party were added, Fiji First won 294,000 votes, or 59 percent of the total. Sodelpa candidates won 140,000 votes, or 28 percent of the total. Parliamentary seats are allocated under a proportional system. Five opposition parties that contested the election say they don’t accept the result due to voting irregularities. The leaders from Sodelpa, the National Federation Party and three other parties told journalists they were concerned that multiple ballot boxes had been tampered with. They said some boxes had been removed without the ballots being counted while others had been stuffed with envelopes. But a group of 92 international observers said the election was credible and they saw no evidence of fraud. It said the result broadly reflects the will of voters. The election was "enthusiastically embraced by the voters of Fiji who were keen to participate in the democratic process," the Multinational Observer Group wrote in its preliminary findings. "The election was conducted in an atmosphere of calm, with an absence of electoral misconduct or evident intimidation." The group said in a statement Monday it was ending its formal observation work now that the result had been declared. The group’s endorsement paves the way for international sanctions to be dropped, including Fiji’s likely return this month to full status among the Commonwealth group of nations. The post Fiji Election Results Confirm Big Win for Ruler  appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

In Search of the Deep South Posted: 21 Sep 2014 05:00 PM PDT A bridge outside of Thanantyari. (Photo: Mark Inkey) MAWLAMYINE, Mon State — Generally speaking, I'm a firm believer in making plans for the road. But sometimes when you are on your way and opportunity and desire present themselves, it's tempting to see just how far you can get by just going with your instincts. That's what happened a few months ago when I was visiting Mawlamyine, capital of Mon State. Having come 190 miles (310 km) from Yangon, it occurred to me that it might be interesting to continue heading south. That's how, nearly a week and 700 miles (1,100 km) later, I found myself in Kawthaung, Myanmar's southernmost city and a grueling motorcycle journey away. I blame the motorcycle. Strictly speaking, perhaps I shouldn't have had it in the first place, as apparently there may be rules against foreigners renting motorcycles in Myanmar. But many local guesthouses seem happy enough to let you putter around town on one of their bikes for a small price, and the police don't seem to mind. And, having had a taste of biking exploration in Mawlamyine, I felt somehow compelled to push my adventure onwards. And so I set off from the Mon capital for Dawei, a city some 230 miles (370 km) to the south. Of course, I did this with the blessing of the motorcycle's owner, who said he'd never heard of a tourist attempting this trip before (perhaps because until August 2013, this stretch of highway was off limits to foreigners). He didn't seem to mind letting me give it a shot with his bike; maybe he would have been more concerned if the vehicle in question wasn't a poorly maintained 100 cc Honda Wave that was at least 15 years old. Equipped with nothing more than this woefully inadequate means of transport and a crash helmet that could have been a child's toy, I bounced along without incident until I reached a checkpoint on the border between Mon State and Tanintharyi Region, a little more than halfway to my destination. There I was stopped and ordered to provide my details, which were meticulously noted in a large ledger. To my relief, I wasn't asked to show any papers for the bike. It seemed that as long as my name was logged, no other questions needed to be asked. On I could go. Beyond this point, however, the road steadily deteriorated and the bike beneath me slowly shook itself to pieces. Luckily, I was far from alone in facing the perils of punctures and mechanical failure, and even the smallest village along the way had at least one makeshift shop that could be counted on to keep my bike roadworthy. With the help of more than one enterprising local mechanic and fueled by petrol poured out of whisky bottles, the motorbike reached Dawei in one piece. I, however, was much the worse for wear. Dawei Break A few well-earned days of rest and relaxation on Dawei's untouched beaches did me a world of good. But what they didn't do was rid me of the urge to see just how far I could go on this foolhardy journey of mine. And so, as my aches and pains slowly faded, I began to contemplate the possibility of going all the way to Kawthaung. I knew that it was theoretically possible; but I also knew I had not heard of other foreigners traveling overland beyond Myeik, about 150 miles (240 km) to the south of Dawei. Bus companies cannot sell tickets to foreigners wanting to travel farther south than that, I had heard, but as far as I knew, no other measures were taken to prevent tourists making the trip. So, after a quick call to the owner of my bike to tell him I needed it for a few more days, I got back in the saddle and headed south. Apart from the deplorable driving conditions on the bumpy roads, all went well until I reached Myeik, where I spent a night in an overpriced, moldy room at one of the few hotels in town. Then, in the town of Tanintharyi, I had another encounter with local officialdom, in the form of a smartly dressed man in a white shirt and well-pressed longyi. Magically appearing at my elbow, he asked to see my passport and inquired as to where I was going. I said Bokpyin, the next major town on my route. It turned out that his main concern seemed to be that I moved along and, after grudgingly agreeing to let me stop for something to eat before leaving Tanintharyi, he sent me on my way. It was already past midday, and Bokpyin was 100 miles (160 km) away. As I rode on through the country landscape, it became obvious that I wouldn't be able to reach it before nightfall. As darkness fell, I resigned myself to spending the night without shelter and stopped at a small roadside restaurant so that my misery wouldn't be compounded by hunger. Realizing that I had nowhere to go, one of the staff said I could stay there. I gratefully accepted the offer of a sun lounger under a noisy television in a corner of what turned out to be an all-night truck stop. End of the Road It wasn't a very restful night's sleep, but the next morning I was ready for the final stretch. After a night of rain, the road was muddy and slippery, and until about 75 miles (120 km) outside of Kawthaung, it was tough going. Then, oil palm plantations began to take over the landscape, spreading out as far as the eye could see, and the rickety road turned into a sealed three-lane highway. Clearly, commercial needs push road building a lot more than the needs of the people. Finally, after having pushed myself and the motorbike to the limit for a total of five days, I arrived in Kawthaung. Now all I had to do was make my way back. My plan was to return to Dawei by ferry and from there ride back to Mawlamyine. But that turned out to be more complicated than I had expected. Suddenly, after days of driving without ever being asked to show the motorcycle's registration papers, I was told that it couldn't be transported by ferry without full documentation. It was beginning to look like I might have to go back the way I came. I was a broken man. My initial exhilaration at completing a journey that to my knowledge no other foreigner had attempted quickly drained away, as I faced the daunting thought of having to do the whole thing over again. In the end, however, I was spared this nightmare scenario. With some trepidation, I entrusted the bike to a local bus company and boarded the ferry back to Dawei. There, after an anxious day's waiting, I was reunited with the motorbike and ready to bring it back to its owner. It's not a trip I would want to attempt again anytime soon, though there were many moments when I felt lucky to see a sometimes stunning and still relatively unspoiled corner of Myanmar. The post In Search of the Deep South appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine.

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