The Irrawaddy Magazine |
- KIA Officer Denies Report of Rohingya Training in Kachin Rebel Area
- Japanese-Led Projects Risk Fueling Conflict in Burma: Activists
- Suu Kyi Is Wrong to Support Tin Aye’s By-Election Decision
- Burmese Military Reshuffle Sees New Security Chief Appointed
- New Thai PM Uses Holy Water, Feng Shui to Ward off Occult
- Killings by China Anti-Terror Cops Raise Concerns
- In Ethnic State, Former Enemies Join Forces for Health Care
- Vietnam Building Deterrent Against China in Disputed Seas With Submarines
| KIA Officer Denies Report of Rohingya Training in Kachin Rebel Area Posted: 09 Sep 2014 05:29 AM PDT  A screen grab of a video posted on Youtube that shows Maung Kyaw Nu, chairman of the Burmese Rohingya Association of Thailand, and KIA Col. James Lum Daum during a meeting in March. (Photo: Youtube) RANGOON — A senior officer of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) denied on Tuesday that the rebel group is cooperating with Rohingya groups after a video appeared online that showed the KIA officer meeting with Rohingya representatives and discussing cooperation in an armed struggle against the Burmese government. The hour-long video, posted on Youtube on the weekend, shows several RSO representatives meeting with KIA Col. James Lum Daum in Thailand in March. They can be seen discussing the oppression of the Rohingya Muslims and Kachin minorities by the Burmese government. At one point, Maung Kyaw Nu, chairman of the Burmese Rohingya Association of Thailand, appears to suggest that an armed struggle on behalf of the Rohingya, through a group known as the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), could take place from a base inside KIA-controlled territory. "You all have an obligation to let us have accommodation, please let us know what type of accommodation you [the KIA] could provide," he said. James Lum Daum said solidarity between oppressed minorities in Burma is important and replied to the question, "We will consider your proposal and let you know our decision." More than a dozen ethnic minorities have been waging an insurgency against the Burman-dominated central government during past decades of military rule in an effort to seek autonomy. Many of the ethnic groups have cooperated during this period. In recent years all ethnic armed groups, except the Kachin and the Palaung, have signed bilateral ceasefires with the government. The Irrawaddy contacted both men in the video in Thailand on Tuesday. They offered differing accounts of the meeting and discussion, but denied that there is any active political or military cooperation between the KIA and an armed Rohingya group. "There are no Rohingya in the KIA area; there are no Muslims from Arakan State in Kachin," said James Lum Daum. He played down the significance of the meeting and said it was a dinner party to which he was invited by an American living in Thailand, Lawrence Woodruff. "When I went, I didn't know who would there and I was introduced to them," he said of the Rohingya representatives, adding that the discussion focused on moral solidarity between minorities in Burma. Asked whether the Rohingya leaders asked sanctuary in the KIA area to wage an armed struggle against the government, he said, "I have no authority to discuss that type of topic, and in case they requested it, there would be no promises." He added, "But there are several Arakanese [armed fighters] in Kachin." It has been known for some time that several hundred fighters belonging to the Arakanese Buddhist minority have received sanctuary and weapons training in the small, KIA-controlled parts of northern Kachin State. A recent report by Foreign Policy described the cooperation between the KIA and the Arakan Army in some detail. "Those people are friends for several decades, there is a long history of cooperation between the Arakanese and the KIA—just like we have a long relationship with the Mon, the Karen, the Chin and so on," James Lum Daum said. The Arakanese are a Buddhist minority in western Burma's Arakan State that has been seeking greater autonomy from the central government for many years. The group has also been involved in an inter-communal conflict with the Rohingya Muslims living in northern Arakan. Maung Kyaw Nu, of the Burmese Rohingya Association of Thailand, said the meeting with James Lum Daum in March focused on a possible cooperation between an armed Rohingya group and the KIA, but that there was none at the moment. He said that, like the Arakanese fighters, Rohingya groups might want a base for an armed struggle in KIA territory. He added, "I do not belong to the RSO… I only know about them through the news. "We want a peaceful solution but if we cannot get it, maybe we will go to the KIA area and start an armed struggle," he said. Asked whether it would difficult for the Arakanese and Rohingya to both train in KIA area, Maung Kyaw Nu said, "The Arakanese are there, but we don't care because our common enemy is the Burmese government." The Rohingya are a stateless minority that suffers persecution from the central government, according to the UN and international rights groups. They are also in conflict with the Arakanese and in mid-2012 violence exploded between the communities, leaving about 200 people dead and 140,000 people, mostly Rohingya, displaced. The RSO was founded in the early 1980s to fight for the oppressed Rohingya. Experts have said the RSO received support and training inside Bangladesh from the Bangladeshi government until about a decade ago, but that it has been moribund since. The Burmese government has repeatedly claimed that the RSO is an active Muslim terrorist group supposedly launching attacks on government forces in Arakan State, but the reports have been difficult to verify for independent observers. The post KIA Officer Denies Report of Rohingya Training in Kachin Rebel Area appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Japanese-Led Projects Risk Fueling Conflict in Burma: Activists Posted: 09 Sep 2014 05:11 AM PDT  A map of JICA's development plans in southeast Burma, based on JICA study team maps. (Photo: Karen Peace Support Network) RANGOON — Dozens of Karen civil society groups are calling on Japan's international development agency to halt plans for development projects in southeastern Burma. The Karen Peace Support Network (KPSN), which includes 28 civil society groups, says the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) has created a blueprint for development in Karen and Mon states that is intended to assist the eventual resettlement of refugees, but which could ultimately worsen conflicts in a region that is recovering from decades of civil war. "This is the peace-building period. JICA is one-sidedly working with the Union government and the Karen State government, while neglecting communities and organizations," Susanna Hla Hla Soe, director of the Karen Women's Action Group (KWAG), told reporters in Rangoon on Tuesday. After conducting a preparatory study, JICA is recommending large-scale projects such as roads, industrial estates and rubber plantations in the two states. The Japanese agency says a main purpose of the development projects is to pave the way for the return of some 130,000 Burmese refugees who are living along the Thai-Burma border after decades of armed conflict. The Karen network said that if Japanese-supported economic projects strengthened the Burmese government while ignoring the concerns of local communities, the projects would fuel conflict. In a statement released last week, the network called for "a temporary moratorium on large-scale development projects in southeast Burma until a full peace agreement can be reached, democratic rights guaranteed and a decentralized federal union achieved." Time Constraints and Security Concerns JICA on Tuesday welcomed the feedback. "Concerns we have received from the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN) are very much appreciated," Hashimoto, a JICA official in the Karen State capital Pa-an, said in a statement, referring to one of the biggest civil society groups in the Karen Peace Support Network. "They clearly show genuine concerns that they have for the protection and promotion of rights for the Karen people and other ethnic minorities," he added. He said the JICA consultant team met mostly with government officials but also some representatives of local residents during the preparatory study last year. "We conducted a social survey, but its coverage was unfortunately limited due to time constraints and security concerns," he said, adding that the team still planned to examine the roles community-based organizations might play in development projects. In Mon State, he said JICA had organized a joint meeting between government officials and ethnic minority groups, but that a similar meeting did not materialize in Karen State "due to the sensitive relationship between ethnic minority groups and the [Karen] State government." "Political progress by itself is beyond our control, but we expect that the ongoing political dialogue between ethnic minority groups and the Union government will be concluded in the near future. When this happens, southeast [Burma] will be ready to proceed with the regional development in full steam with priority development projects formulated by the participatory approach through the [JICA] project," he added. The Karen Peace Support Network requested a meeting with officials at JICA headquarters in March and June to discuss the Japanese agency's plans, but the requests were turned down, according to Paul Sein Twa, executive director of KESAN. "We want to understand their plan through a consultation meeting, so we can give advice. But it hasn't happened yet," he told The Irrawaddy. "The plan links humanitarian issues and development. We have no idea who will get involved, what the projects will entail or when they will begin. We recommended starting slowly with consultation." The Karen network urged JICA to commission conflict analysis, to guarantee humanitarian principles and due diligence, to conduct strategic environmental assessments, and to hold consultations while disclosing full information. Japanese Donors Japanese organizations are increasingly getting involved in development, humanitarian aid and even the peace process between the Burmese government and ethnic rebels in Karen State. In August, Japanese government officials and donor organizations met in Rangoon with government advisors, Karen State officials and Karen rebel commanders to discuss the possible implementation of Japanese-funded development projects in rebel-controlled areas. Hla Maung Shwe of the MPC said at the time that the Karen rebel leaders proposed development projects that would cost an estimated US$5 million. He said the projects were not large-scale economic and development projects such as hydropower dams and industrial zones. "It is more like small projects such as schools, student compounds, clinics and health care centers, livestock and agriculture projects," he told The Irrawaddy. In January this year, the Japanese ambassador together with an influential Japanese charity, the Nippon Foundation, announced that Tokyo plans to spend $96 million in the next five years in order to improve living standards and promote peace in Burma's war-torn ethnic areas. The post Japanese-Led Projects Risk Fueling Conflict in Burma: Activists appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Suu Kyi Is Wrong to Support Tin Aye’s By-Election Decision Posted: 09 Sep 2014 04:43 AM PDT  National League for Democracy chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) The by-elections scheduled to be held after the rainy season this year have been canceled, Union Election Commission (UEC) chairman Tin Aye announced Sunday, citing several reasons. This is hardly surprising. What is unexpected is that Tin Aye met with National League for Democracy (NLD) chairwoman Aung San Suu Kyi in Naypyidaw before he made the announcement in a meeting with political parties in Rangoon. At their meeting, Suu Kyi reportedly agreed to the cancelation of the by-elections. After Tin Aye announced the decision, NLD spokesman Nyan Win told news agencies that the party agreed with the UEC chairman's decision, since the NLD is also busy these days. But were Burma's main opposition party and its leader right to accept the abandonment of the by-election? I need to explain first how important the 2015 general election is, and the connection between it and the planned 2014 by-elections. Everyone knows the incumbent government and all its institutions, including the Parliament, emerged from the 2010 election, which was rigged by the military by banning the NLD, ethnic parties and other opponents from contesting, as well as through voting irregularities. Therefore, the bodies ruling the country today are not formed out of the people's wishes. It is fair to say that all of them are a sham. To take at least a step on the democratic path, Burma needs a Parliament, a government and institutions that reflect the real desires of the people. For that to happen, the 2015 general election is extremely important. Ex-generals and generals understand it well and so does the NLD. But while the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) takes it very seriously, the NLD does not. I will explain this later. Here is a question: Under which election law will the commission organize the 2015 election? Currently, the 2008 Constitution has yet to be amended, and so the 2015 election is likely to be held according to the 2010 Election Law, which was slightly amended for the 2012 by-elections. At present, it is not certain whether the election will be held using the proportional representation (PR) system or first-past-the-post voting, practiced in previous elections. What is certain is that the election will be held by the election commission at different levels, mostly formed with ex-service personnel and headed by ex-general Tin Aye. Will they repeat what they did in the 2010 election, or not interfere as they did in the 2012 by-elections? No one can be sure. The 2014 election also could have been a gauge of public support for political parties. Actually, since March 20 this year, Tin Aye had been promising the by-elections. He had enough time to prepare if he really wanted to do it. But he finally broke the promise on the day he was supposed to announce the date of the by-elections. He gave several reasons: it would coincide with the coming Asean Summit; it would cost 2 billion kyat (more than US$2 million); it would not affect voting in Parliament no matter which party won the vacant seats; the Parliament is busy; and that small political parties faced being disbanded if they did not compete in at least three constituencies. In fact, none of those reasons hold water. Tin Aye knew in May that voting in the Parliament would not be affected by the by-election results. It does not sound reasonable that he points this out only now. Will by-elections not be held in the future for vacant seats just because their results cannot affect the voting? The reason that the by-elections would coincide with the Asean Summit is also not valid. They have nothing to do with the summit. Will the 2015 election also be canceled if there happens to be a meeting at that time? The UEC should also not worry about the small political parties' fears of being disbanded. There are many political parties that have done nothing for the sake of the people and have won no public support at all. Disbanding them for failure to contest under the law sounds reasonable and it would help sift out functional parties from the many dysfunctional and sham parties, which is a good thing. But Tin Aye has gone ahead and canceled them. Now, no one can observe how the commission will organize an election. For example, how will it compile the voter list? The list of eligible voters is of crucial importance to an election. Former UEC chairman Thein Soe and his members imposed dishonest rules and regulations to deter political parties from checking the voter list. Now, we will not be able to know what Tin Aye will do in 2015. Another thing is the new regulations for the electoral campaign. We would have had a chance to check how those new regulations would affect political parties through the by-elections. Another important question is whether or not international observers will be allowed to monitor the voting process. Tin Aye is supposed to give an answer to that question for the by-elections. We still don't know. In both the 2010 and 2012 elections, international observers were not allowed to monitor the voting—a cause for concern for holding a free and fair election in 2015. Another thing is public support could have been gauged for political parties through the by-elections, even if it was only for 35 seats. This is very important as the by-election results would have helped predict the extent of voting irregularities in 2015. And studying the results would be instructive in understanding why the USDP is trying desperately to introduce the PR system. Now all those chances are lost. Seemingly, Suu Kyi and the NLD, who went through the 2012 by-elections and have not systematically studied 2010 election, think quite highly of themselves. They seem to assume that a landslide victory is theirs no matter how the UEC organizes the election. In fact, there are many possibilities. The NLD is not in a position to boycott the coming general election if the USDP does something unfair—like adopting PR or amending the Constitution as it desires. If the NLD boycotted the election, the ex-generals are likely to repeat what they did in the 2010 election, running against stooge or sham parties. Another thing is voting irregularities. It is useless to complain only when we experience voting irregularities in 2015 election. We are likely to see another five years of quasi-civilian government if we can't prevent voting irregularities before they happen. There are many examples of political parties, not only in Asean but also elsewhere in the world, maintaining their grip on power by rigging elections every four or five years. For these reasons, Suu Kyi and the NLD's support for the cancelation of the by-elections is the wrong decision. Sithu Aung Myint is a Rangoon-based journalist who writes political, economic and social analysis and news articles in Burmese dailies and weeklies. The post Suu Kyi Is Wrong to Support Tin Aye's By-Election Decision appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Burmese Military Reshuffle Sees New Security Chief Appointed Posted: 09 Sep 2014 02:13 AM PDT  Lt-Gen Mya Tun Oo is pictured at the 67th Martyrs' Day event in Rangoon on July 19. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) The Burmese military carried out a top brass reshuffle on Monday, with former army chief of staff Lt-Gen Mya Tun Oo appointed to two new roles including head of the military's security agency. Seen as a potential future Burmese military chief, Mya Tun Oo was promoted from major general to his current rank only in July. He had served as the chief of staff (army) since 2012. According to military sources, the reshuffle sees Mya Tun Oo appointed chief of Military Security Affairs and head of Bureau of Special Operation No. 6 Naypyidaw. Military Security Affairs is the agency that was created to replace Military Intelligence, which was disbanded as its chief Khin Nyunt fell from favor in 2004. The former Military Security Affairs chief Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe takes over as the chief of staff (army), a role he will fill concurrently with his position as head of Bureau of Special Operation No. 5. Commander of Rangoon Command Maj-Gen Hsan Oo was also promoted to adjutant general, and the former adjutant general Lt-Gen Khin Zaw Oo was assigned as the head of Bureau of Special Operation No. 4. Commander of Northern Command Maj-Gen Tun Tun Naung was appointed as the commander of Rangoon Command, the sources said. Lt-Gen Mya Tun Oo is a graduate of the 25th intake of the prestigious Defense Services Academy, and is thought to be trusted by those at the highest levels of Burma's military establishment. He has been named as a possible replacement for Commander-in-Chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing, who is rumored to be looking to retire from service to enter civilian politics. The newly-appointed chief of staff (army) Lt-Gen Kyaw Swe graduated from the 22nd intake at the academy, as did the deputy commander-in-chief of Defense Services Vice-Senior General Soe Win. The post Burmese Military Reshuffle Sees New Security Chief Appointed appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| New Thai PM Uses Holy Water, Feng Shui to Ward off Occult Posted: 08 Sep 2014 10:19 PM PDT  Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha prays before the first cabinet meeting at the Government House in Bangkok on Tuesday. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — As he prepares to move in to Bangkok’s Government House this week, Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha is going to great lengths to sweep away any occult challenge. Prayuth, 60, has left nothing to chance since leading a military coup to topple a democratically elected government on May 22. After a meticulously planned power grab, he has systematically snuffed out dissent. That meticulousness is being carried through to his government. Like many politicians and generals before him, Prayuth believes in spiritualism and divination and on Monday members of his entourage were seen carrying Buddha statues and religious idols thought to bring luck in to Government House. But his beliefs go beyond conventional religion, and last week, Prayuth told an audience of dousing himself from head to toe in holy water as his enemies had tried to curse him. Army officials say his views on the spirit world and rituals to ward off evil are unlikely to influence government policy, however. "Like most Thais, General Prayuth has a deep respect for the spirit world, but his policies will be determined by urgency, practicality and the needs of the people," Veerachon Sukhontapatipak, deputy spokesman for the army, told Reuters. Despite its outwardly modern appearance, everyday life in Thailand still prominently features pre-Buddhist animist beliefs. The timing of Tuesday’s move into the prime ministerial offices has been minutely planned. Prayuth’s cabinet will start work at 9 a.m. on Tuesday, Sept. 9, say media reports—an auspicious number in a country where numbers mean everything. The number nine—pronounced "Gaow" in Thai—is considered especially lucky. It sounds like the Thai word "Gaow-Nah", which means to progress. Furniture in Prayuth’s designated office has been arranged according to the principles of feng shui, a Chinese form of geomancy or belief that the universe is made up of five elements – earth, water, fire, wood and metal. "Prayuth’s work table has been placed in the east of the work room as this is thought to aid quick solutions," a prime ministerial aide, who asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak to media, told Reuters. "The tones in the building will mostly be green, as this is the army’s color and Prayuth, as army chief, is compatible with green," the aide said. In March, an anti-government group, the Network of Students and People for Thailand’s Reform, held its own ceremony at Government House to reverse black magic said to have been used against them by members of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s government. Members of the group placed three Buddha statues in the complex’s main building to "destroy black magic", a group leader said at the time. Fortune Tellers Critics say the survival of these beliefs harms democracy and the course of politics should be dictated by the will of the living rather than politicians’ belief in spirits and the stars. "It is not uncommon to use astrologers to decide what day and time to stage a coup, for example," said Kan Yuenyong, an analyst at Siam Intelligence Unit think tank. "It’s not just Prayuth, it’s all Thai leaders, and it can be a dangerous (course to take) because, instead of analyzing a situation according to facts and the political situation on the ground, they might rely on astrology instead and worsen a volatile situation." Before the previous coup in 2006, which followed a year-long political crisis, renowned Thai fortune teller Warin Buawiratlert says he told General Sonthi Boonyaratgalin, then chief of the Royal Thai Army, that there would be a coup and Sonthi would lead it. On Sept. 19, 2006, Sonthi overthrew the government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, a billionaire telecommunications tycoon who won huge support among the poor but had made many enemies among the royalist establishment. Warin recounted the prediction in a book written after the coup. The straight-talking Prayuth seized power in a bloodless coup this year after months of protests in Bangkok by supporters of the royalist establishment against Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck. However, he surprised some observers when he referred to black magic during a meeting last week. "I have a sore throat and pain in my neck. Someone said there are people putting curses on me," Prayuth said. "I had so much lustral water poured over my head that I shivered all over." The post New Thai PM Uses Holy Water, Feng Shui to Ward off Occult appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Killings by China Anti-Terror Cops Raise Concerns Posted: 08 Sep 2014 10:12 PM PDT  Police wearing sashes hold placards during a ceremony to award those who the authorities say participated in "the crackdown of violence and terrorists activities" in Hotan, in China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region August 3, 2014. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING — When attackers from China's minority Uighurs killed 37 people in a July rampage in far western Xinjiang, police responded by gunning down at least 59 of them. When three Uighurs allegedly killed a top state-appointed Muslim cleric, police shot dead two of them. When security forces led a raid on 10 suspected Uighur terrorists, they fatally shot all but one. The incidents are part of a pattern raising concerns that Chinese police are excessively using deadly force in their bid to prevent more attacks by Uighur militants, who have killed dozens of civilians in train stations and other public places over the past few years. In some cities, patrolling SWAT units have already been authorized to shoot dead suspected terrorists without warning. An Associated Press review of articles by China's official Xinhua News Agency and other state media has found that at least 323 people have died in Xinjiang-related violence since April last year, when the unrest began to escalate. Nearly half of those deaths were inflicted by police—in most cases, by gunning down alleged perpetrators who are usually reported as having been armed with knives, axes and, occasionally, vaguely-defined explosives. Beijing's tight controls and monopoly on the narrative make it difficult to independently assess if the lethal action has been justified. And Chinese authorities prevent most reporting by foreign journalists inside Xinjiang, making it nearly impossible to confirm the state media numbers. Uighur exile groups and the US-government funded broadcaster Radio Free Asia report far more violent incidents than Chinese state media do, and in some cases, higher death tolls and police shootings of Uighur protesters. But those reports are similarly hard to verify. To understand just how tough it can be to determine whether China's hand is being forced—or whether officials are recklessly lashing out at those who resist them—consider this recent series of confrontations in Xinjiang: On Aug. 1, police cornered a group of alleged terrorists in an abandoned house and shot nine of them dead, arresting one. In June, police gunned down 13 "mobsters" who allegedly attacked a local police station. In April, checkpoint police fatally shot a teenage Uighur motorcyclist after he allegedly attempted to grab their guns. In many cases, the government's accounts of violence are wildly divergent from overseas reports. Of the June incident, Uighur exiles said Uighur residents were simply protesting outside the police station when police fired at them and their truck, setting off a fire. In the teenager's case, RFA reported that he had been shot after running a red light. Who's to say what really happened? Xinjiang authorities operate with a "deeply disturbing" lack of accountability, said Sophie Richardson, China director at Human Rights Watch. "If the use of force is justified, the Chinese government should be allowing independent, credible experts to review the evidence," she said. "It should be making that evidence public." Experts in policing, terrorism and human rights, meanwhile, point to several aspects of the authorities' crackdown that make it all too easy for security forces to open fire unnecessarily. China doesn't have comprehensive laws defining terrorism and how authorities should respond. The Chinese leaders' use of war-like rhetoric risks inflaming patriotic fervor instead of clear-headed rationality in the security forces. Above all, the ongoing "strike hard" campaign prioritizes tough, swift action over legal protections. "Under the terms of the 'strike hard' campaign, they can dispense with the usual considerations about legality," said Willy Lam, an expert on Chinese politics at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. "They don't have scruples about shooting to kill suspects and they appear to be using disproportionately heavy force and firepower." The trend has alarmed overseas Uighur activists, who say many innocent Uighurs may have been killed. "The use of force by the Chinese security against Uighurs is really like it's against foreign enemies," said Alim Seytoff, President of the Uyghur American Association in Washington, D.C. "The extrajudicial use of lethal force is rampant." The Ministry of Public Security and police in Xinjiang did not respond to faxed requests for comment. Though the death tally culled from state media is virtually impossible to independently confirm, and some foreign media have cited higher tolls, the figures still provide a sketch of the human cost of the unrest that has rocked the region over the past 17 months. The ruling Communist Party leader Xi Jinping, head of the new national security commission, has staked his political prestige on stemming the turbulence—but it has been challenging. "They have been a lot more aggressive in using military-grade equipment to combat the terrorists and underground groups, and also summary executions," said Lam, the Hong Kong-based analyst. "I think the major reason is that Xi Jinping thinks that unless they use extraordinary or draconian methods, they cannot solve the problem quickly, and the Uighur problem has proven to be one of the major policy failures of [his] administration." Elsewhere in China, police rarely use firearms to quell violence or mass unrest, preferring to deploy tear gas, water cannons and riot police with truncheons and shields. Although the anti-terror campaign is being carried out by SWAT and paramilitary police, the operation more closely resembles war than policing. "It's exactly the opposite of a criminal case. In a criminal case, we say we only get the guy if they're guilty. Otherwise, if there's a slight bit of doubt, let them go," said Professor Kam C. Wong, an expert on Chinese police at Xavier University in Cincinnati, Ohio. "In the case of terrorists, even when in doubt, we will get them." "In China, terrorists are to be treated as a contradiction between enemies and not contradictions amongst the people. They are afforded very few protections under the law," Wong said. In that sense, China's counterterrorism effort bears similarities to the United States' anti-terror practices post-9/11, including assertions that deadly military force against terrorists—even if US citizens—might outweigh their constitutional rights, he said. Xi has cast the campaign in patriotic, militaristic terms, in one instance evoking the memory of a Ming-era Chinese military leader who fought Japanese pirates. "Sweat more in peacetime so you will bleed less in wartime," Xi said in a pep talk to Xinjiang police during a high-profile April tour. Special police units in cities such as Beijing and Guangzhou have recently been authorized to fire without warning at suspected terrorists engaged in violence. The eastern city of Xiamen and the province of Jiangsu went a step further—saying SWAT officers were allowed to shoot dead such alleged perpetrators. The government hasn't specified how threats are to be assessed. Xi has called for a "people's war"—an effort to mobilize the public to act as informants, with rewards in some instances. But without a counterterrorism law in place, "and with emotions running high, the people would act like vigilantes," said Wong. Public information tends to be based on personal prejudice, racial profiling and ethnic animosities, making it unreliable and of dubious use, with innocent people likely to be implicated, Wong added. Part of the problem might be Xi's choice of words, saying he wants terrorists to be like "rats scurrying across the street, chased by all the people." "They're using rhetoric that's very dehumanizing toward people," said William Nee, Amnesty International's China researcher. "It encourages an atmosphere in which excessive use of force is condoned." Catching terror suspects alive is a better approach anyway, because then you can interrogate them, said Raffaello Pantucci, a London-based terrorism researcher at the Royal United Services Institute, a defense think tank. "You can find out who their networks are, you can find out more information and you can then investigate that." "That's counterterrorism practice 101." The post Killings by China Anti-Terror Cops Raise Concerns appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| In Ethnic State, Former Enemies Join Forces for Health Care Posted: 08 Sep 2014 05:30 PM PDT  A child is examined by the health team. The main problems in these isolated villages include malnutrition, malaria, and, because of the lack of clean water, diarrhea. (Photo: Peter Biro / IRC.) Karenni State, Burma — A merciless sun beats down from a cloudless sky and the tropical air feels like a thick, wet blanket. Flanked by dense foliage and large twisted vines, a small group of men and women march single-file along a narrow forest path in Karenni State in eastern Burma. The group of a dozen nurses and medics are on their way to vaccinate children and bring medicine and health care to villages in a remote region that until recently was a fearsome war zone. Their mission is symbolic of the changes sweeping Burma, long considered a pariah state isolated from the rest of the world. Half of the nurses and medics are employees of Burma's Ministry of Health. The other half are associated with the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), whose armed wing battled the Burma Army for more than 60 years until a ceasefire agreement between the two sides was signed in 2012. The long-running conflict, which involved a number of armed insurgent groups in addition to the KNPP, resulted in tens of thousands of civilians being displaced from their homes, mostly Karenni, one of the country's many ethnic groups that have rebelled against central government control. The joint health mission into the heart of the former conflict zone is one of the first fruits of the ceasefire and a larger peace process that participants hope will bring stability to a country that is still grappling with inter-communal violence, human rights abuses and economic inequality. "This is a groundbreaking and unique moment, one many here never thought they would see," says Shane Scanlon, of the International Rescue Committee (IRC), who is accompanying the group. The aid group has played a key role in training the Karenni medics and in arranging this joint mission. "This is the first time that government and ethnic health organizations have joined forces, overcoming decades of mistrust borne of conflict," he says. The health workers recognize how unusual the composition of their team is and they are still feeling each other out, even as they march shoulder to shoulder into the forest. "I was afraid to talk to the government health staff when we first met," says Seh Reh, a Karenni medic. "There was a lot of suspicion. But working together and preparing for this trip has brought us closer together. Now we are learning from each other." As the noon sun reaches its zenith, the group approaches Daw Kleh Thae, a hamlet of thatched stilt houses surrounded by magnificent emerald hills. Until recently, the village was abandoned, houses burned down and fields fallow. "The army came here and killed our cattle and destroyed our homes," explains one local resident, Htwar Reh. "We were forced to live in the forest or flee to towns far away." With the signing of the ceasefire agreement, a small number of displaced civilians have been trickling back, some from Thailand, where they had been living in refugee camps. "Most people are still afraid to return," says Nyunt Naing, an IRC doctor accompanying the mission. "But people tell us that seeing the government and the KNPP working together is increasing their confidence that the ceasefire will hold." The team quickly sets up a makeshift reception area and begins immunizing children, administrating polio drops and screening for malnutrition, a major problem in this extremely impoverished area. Adults, some in colorful traditional dress, also line up, seeking treatment for a host of diseases, the most common of which are malaria and diarrhea. "We suffer here," says one patient seeking treatment for a persistent fever. "We have no health centers in this area and there isn't much food. It is very important for us to get this service." Because of the conflict and the government's previous neglect of the health system, government health workers have been unable to reach most people in Karenni State, one of the most isolated states in Burma. As a result, local residents here relied on the basic health services provided by opposition health workers from their bases in Thailand, or they used ineffective home remedies. According to a 2010 study by Thailand-based medical groups, the most comprehensive available, this region of Burma suffers from some of the worst health indicators in the world. For example, women die in childbirth at three times the national average and one in seven children under the age of 5 dies from malnutrition or from treatable diseases such as diarrhea and malaria. "The joint health missions are good for everyone," says Tun Aung Kyi, who oversees all health programs in Karenni State for the Ministry of Health. "Health services are better and more effective." Marian Htoo, a government-employed midwife, has made five treks into the former combat zone. She says villagers would never have trusted her without the collaboration of the former resistance groups. "Before, villagers were scared to show us whatever medicines they had at home," she says. "They didn't dare consult with us. Now it's all changed." Preparing to leave Daw Kleh Thae, Scanlon adds, "This is the kind of trust that needs to be rebuilt between all sides, especially in communities that have been so scarred by war. "Only then can the country see true, lasting peace." Peter Biro is a senior reporter for the International Rescue Committee (IRC). The post In Ethnic State, Former Enemies Join Forces for Health Care appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. | |
| Vietnam Building Deterrent Against China in Disputed Seas With Submarines Posted: 08 Sep 2014 05:00 PM PDT  In this October 2011 photo, Vietnamese sailors look at a model of a submarine ordered by the country's navy. (Photo: Reuters) HONG KONG — Vietnam will soon have a credible naval deterrent to China in the South China Sea in the form of Kilo-class submarines from Russia, which experts say could make Beijing think twice before pushing its much smaller neighbor around in disputed waters. A master of guerrilla warfare, Vietnam has taken possession of two of the state-of-the-art submarines and will get a third in November under a US$2.6 billion deal agreed with Moscow in 2009. A final three are scheduled to be delivered within two years. While communist parties rule both Vietnam and China and annual trade has risen to $50 billion, Hanoi has long been wary of China, especially over Beijing's claims to most of the potentially energy-rich South China Sea. Beijing's placement of an oil rig in waters claimed by Vietnam earlier this year infuriated Hanoi but the coastguard vessels it dispatched to the platform were always chased off by larger Chinese boats. The Vietnamese are likely to run so-called area denial operations off its coast and around its military bases in the Spratly island chain of the South China Sea once the submarines are fully operational, experts said. That would complicate Chinese calculations over any military move against Vietnamese holdings in the Spratlys or in the event of an armed clash over disputed oil fields, even though China has a much larger navy, including a fleet of 70 submarines, they added. "Sea denial means creating a psychological deterrent by making sure a stronger naval rival never really knows where your subs might be," said Collin Koh of Singapore's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. "It is classic asymmetric warfare utilized by the weak against the strong and something I think the Vietnamese understand very well. The question is whether they can perfect it in the underwater dimension." Training Runs Vietnam is not wasting time getting to grips with its biggest ever arms purchase, the centerpiece of a naval expansion program that state media has kept largely under wraps. From the sheltered harbor of Cam Ranh Bay—home to a massive US military base during the Vietnam War—the first two submarines have recently been sighted plying the Vietnamese coast on training runs, according to regional diplomats. A Vietnamese crew is training aboard its third Kilo in waters off St. Petersburg ahead of its delivery to Cam Ranh Bay in November, Russia's Interfax news agency reported last month. And a fourth vessel is undergoing sea trials off the Russian city's Admiralty Shipyard while the last two are being built. While regional military attaches and experts are trying to gauge how quickly Vietnamese crews are mastering the advanced submarines, some believe it won't be too long before Hanoi starts sending them further offshore into the South China Sea. "The Vietnamese have changed the whole scenario—they already have two submarines, they have the crews and they appear to have the weapons and their capabilities and experience will be growing from this point," said Siemon Wezeman, an arms transfer researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). "From the point of view of Chinese assumptions, the Vietnamese deterrent is already at a point where it must be very real." As well as possessing shorter-range torpedoes, modern Kilos while submerged can launch sea-skimming anti-ship missiles that can travel 300 km (188 miles). Wezeman said SIPRI estimated that Vietnam had received at least 10 of the 50 Klub anti-ship missiles this year as part of the deal with Moscow, but there was no sign of any purchases of the Klub land-attack variant. Zhang Baohui, a Chinese security specialist at Hong Kong's Lingnan University, said he believed Beijing's military planners were concerned about the submarines. "On a theoretical level, the Vietnamese are at the point where they could put them to combat use," he said. Neither China's Defense Ministry nor its Foreign Ministry responded to a request for comment. 'Defensive' Weapons Senior Vietnamese military officials told Reuters they were satisfied with progress, saying training at sea and integration of the submarines into its developing naval force was going smoothly. They stopped short of confirming whether the first two were fully operational but stressed they would be used "defensively." "They are not our sole weapon, but part of a number of weapons we are developing to better protect our sovereignty. In that regard, the submarines will be defensive," said one military official in Hanoi who declined to be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter. That echoes public comments from Deputy Defense Minister Nguyen Chi Vinh who has repeatedly stated, without mentioning China directly, that Vietnam would not start a conflict in the South China Sea but if one began "we would not just stand back and watch." Vietnam—a traditional army power—has significantly expanded its navy in recent years, acquiring modern frigates and corvettes, mostly from Russia, that are equipped with anti-ship and anti-submarine weapons. Hanoi has also embarked on a building program of ships based on Russian designs. Vietnam and China have a bloody history, fighting a brief border war in 1979. They clashed at sea in 1988 when China occupied its first holdings in the Spratlys. China also took full control of another South China Sea island chain, the Paracels, after a naval showdown with the then South Vietnam in 1974. Former Western submariners watching developments said they were impressed with the apparent progress despite the enormity of the challenge for Vietnam in developing a submarine capability from scratch. By comparison, the Philippines, the other country most at loggerheads with Beijing in the South China Sea, has no submarines or modern naval surface ships or significant naval aircraft. Even before Vietnam took delivery of its first Kilo in January, Vietnamese submariners had been receiving training in Russia, Hanoi's Cold War-era patron. India's navy is also training Vietnamese crews at its INS Satavahana submarine center in Andhra Pradesh state, an Indian naval official told Reuters. India has operated Kilos since the mid-1980s. "It is not just about learning basic operational considerations, it is about the doctrine and tactics of how best to exploit these vessels—and making sure you've got a long-term program to build all this up," one Western submariner said. More Advanced Than China's Kilos The diesel-electric Kilo is considered one of the quietest submarines and has been constantly refined since the 1980s. Vasily Kashin, a Moscow-based strategic analyst, said he believed Vietnam's Kilos were more technologically advanced than the 12 such vessels operated by China's navy, which obtained its last one a decade ago. Internal sound absorption had been improved, along with weapon control and loading systems, he said. Open source satellite images have shown Kilos alongside new Russian-built submarine wharves at Cam Ranh Bay, as well as a new dry dock for repairs. A medical facility for submariners has also been completed nearby, according to Russian media reports. Russian personnel are also stationed at a new Russian-built training centre in Cam Ranh, which includes simulators of control, navigation and weapons systems. US forces used the bay's sheltered features to build a vast airport and logistics base at the height of the Vietnam War in the 1960s, when Cam Ranh was part of the then South Vietnam. By late 1978 it was in Soviet hands, as a victorious Hanoi signed over base rights to Moscow. In disrepair through much of the 1990s, the Russians could not negotiate an extension and departed in 2002. Across the harbor from the sensitive submarine facilities, the Vietnamese are expanding ship repair yards they hope will attract a range of foreign navies at commercial rates. The US navy has sent several logistics ships for servicing but a more formal arrangement has yet to be agreed. Former Western submariners say Cam Ranh's location is perfect for Vietnam's Kilos. Not only is it the closest large port to the Spratlys to the south, it is also within range of the Paracels. And while much of the South China Sea is shallow and presents difficult operating conditions for submarines, Cam Ranh is close to some of the deeper water off the edge of Vietnam's continental shelf. "No-one should underestimate the Vietnamese—they have a clear threat and that gives them an extra incentive," said Wezeman of SIPRI. The post Vietnam Building Deterrent Against China in Disputed Seas With Submarines appeared first on The Irrawaddy Magazine. |
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