Monday, February 2, 2015

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Badly Burned Bodies of Four Kachin Villagers Uncovered

Posted: 02 Feb 2015 06:07 AM PST

The bodies of four Kachin civilians are laid to rest near Malun Banka village in northern Shan State on Monday. (Photo: Ah Seng)

The bodies of four Kachin civilians are laid to rest near Malun Banka village in northern Shan State on Monday. (Photo: Ah Seng)

The charred remains of four Kachin villagers were discovered in Burma's conflict-torn north over the weekend, with locals alleging Burma Army involvement amid increasingly tense civilian-military relations in the area.

Local sources say at least three of the four villagers were arrested by Burma Army troops on Jan. 25 on their way to a coal mine that they worked at near Malun Banka village, located on the road linking the towns of Kutkai and Muse in northern Shan State.

Zau Shan, a Kachin community leader from the Kachin Baptist Convention in Muse Township who is closely following the case, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the four dead bodies were those of villagers who had been missing since last week.

"We are now in the process of finding out details about the killings to understand who is behind them," said Zau Shan.

The four men were identified by the ethnic media outlet Kachinland News as Mahaw La Ja, Lahtaw Hkun Hpung, Maran Yaw Han and Doi Ring. Their bodies were discovered by local villagers on Saturday.

Sources said the four dead villagers' bodies were so badly burned that family members struggled to identify their remains. It is unclear whether the victims were burned alive or set alight after they were killed.

A funeral service was held by local Christian ministers on Sunday.

A religious leader from Malun Banka village, who asked that his name be withheld, said the bodies were found about seven miles outside of Malun Banka village.

"It was in the jungle. We do not know which battalion killed them," he said.

"At first, we thought that they would emerge from the jungle after three or four days, but we didn't see them. This was why some villagers decided to search the jungle, where there has been fighting, and found the bodies of the missing youth."

The religious leader said three of the bodies were found in one location, and the other was discovered about 200 meters away. The lone body appears to be unrelated to the Jan. 25 detention of the three villagers and has not yet been identified, according to the religious leader, contrary to the Kachinland News report.

Sources complain of rising crime in the area since the murder of two Kachin volunteer teachers in a separate village of Muse Township on Jan. 19.

Seng Awng of the Kachin Peacetalk Creation Group, which helps mediate peace negotiations between the rebel Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Burmese government, told The Irrawaddy that multiple crimes by Burma Army troops had been reported since the murder of the two teachers. The Burma Army has also been implicated in that case and the investigation is ongoing.

Seng Awng said a soldier from the Burma Army made an unsuccessful attempt to rape a Kachin woman in her 30s on Jan. 21, with the woman beaten and the Burmese Army later apologizing for the incident.

Two days later, two men in their 20s were arrested by the Burma Army and killed while a friend of the pair went missing in the Kutkai Township village of Moha, also in northern Shan State, according to Seng Awng.

"They [government troops] arrested them when they went to collect firewood. They then shot them dead. Another one is still missing," Seng Awng said.

The bodies of the two young men were discovered later by local residents.

"They [crimes] have been reported continuously since the two volunteer teachers were killed. Four crimes happened within a month. It has happened because there is a growing military deployment. They are everywhere. Clashes also are being reported," said Seng Awng.

That assertion was supported by Mai Aie Kyaw, a spokesperson for the ethnic Palaung rebel armed group known as the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), who said that frequent clashes between the Burma Army and TNLA troops were also taking place in northern Shan State, including on Monday. The fighting broke out just before 9 am and continued into the afternoon, he said.

"We haven't heard any report of causalities yet. Now, it is the season for poppy cultivation, so we are trying to destroy the poppies. We are attacked by the government army when we are undertaking these operations. So, clashes often break out," said Mai Aie Kyaw.

The Burma Army has pledged to make itself more accessible to media inquiries, but as of writing, there was no known contact information for a military spokesman to comment on the allegations.

The latest round of clashes appears to have been set off by an incident on Jan. 14, when the KIO detained a state minister and three police officers. All four men were eventually released, but not before Kachin and Palaung rebels had engaged in a series of clashes in the area that continued this week.

With additional reporting by Lawi Weng.

The post Badly Burned Bodies of Four Kachin Villagers Uncovered appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

NLD Distances Itself from Leading Voice on Education

Posted: 02 Feb 2015 05:55 AM PST

Thein Lwin a member of the National Network for Education Reform. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

Thein Lwin a member of the National Network for Education Reform. (Photo: Tin Htet Paing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Burma's leading opposition party on Sunday distanced itself from an outspoken education reform advocate who serves on the party's central executive committee.

In a public statement, the National League for Democracy (NLD) said that Thein Lwin, a spokesperson for the National Network for Education Reform (NNER), is not representative of the party or its policies during quadripartite discussions about education reform.

The statement warned that the NLD could take legal action against Thein Lwin, a temporary member of the NLD central executive committee, for violating party rules requiring committee approval for involvement in organizations independent of the party.

Thein Lwin was unavailable for comment on the party's remarks.

His fellow committee member and NLD spokesperson Win Myint told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the party issued the statement to clarify that Thein Lwin's participation in the education reform dialogue does not constitute NLD endorsement.

"He can’t represent the NLD while going to that meeting," said Win Myint, referring to a meeting between student activists, the NNER, lawmakers and government ministers held on Sunday in Rangoon.

The first such quadripartite discussion followed weeks of swelling demonstrations against the National Education Law, passed in September 2014 amid wide-ranging criticism.

The spokesperson explained that party rules expressly prohibit involvement in independent political organizations without central committee approval, which was not sought by Thein Lwin for his role in the NNER.

"He attended that meeting by himself," said Win Myint.

Neither the statement nor the spokesperson elaborated on what kind of "legal action" could be sought against Thein Lwin.

Citing NLD central committee member Han Thar Myint, the Democratic Voice of Burma reported on Monday that the party's chairperson, Aung San Suu Kyi, personally disapproved of Thein Lwin's participation on the grounds that he could be construed as representative of the party.

The Action Committee for Democratic Education (ACDE), a 15-member alliance formed amid the growing student protest movement, countered with a statement of its own accusing the NLD of attempting to disrupt the student movement at a critical moment.

The ACDE said that Thein Lwin was invited to the discussions not because of his party affiliation but because he is a credible expert and a long-standing supporter of educational progress in Burma.
The statement criticized the NLD's timing, claiming that it aimed to "indirectly" object to student protests and could delay further discussions, which the NNER is expected to attend.
Nyo Nyo Thin, a member of the NNER, also defended Thein Lwin's involvement in the educational reform dialogue, suggesting that the NLD's remarks were misguided and ill-intentioned.

"Dr. Thein Lwin's involvement in this discussion is as an expert, not a representative of the NLD. He is using his knowledge for the benefit of the country," she told The Irrawaddy. "We welcome him as he stands by us, and what he has done should [be viewed] as a source of pride for the NLD."

Thein Lwin has been a recurrent figure in the education reform movement since its nascent stages, having worked with the NNER since it was formed in 2012. He and the NNER were vocal critics of the National Education Law long before its passage.

The legislation was passed by Parliament in July 2014, then sent back to the floor by President Thein Sein with 25 suggested amendments. Despite strong criticism from education experts and activists, the law was passed in September after Parliament accepted 19 of the president's amendments.

Students representing more than 300 organizations nationwide protested in several parts of the country beginning in November. Demonstrators claimed that the legislation would fail to raise educational standards, grant too much centralized control to the government and restrict the formation of student and teachers unions.

After a temporary hiatus, demonstrations resumed on Jan. 20, when hundreds of students and supporters set off by foot from Mandalay to Rangoon. The march was paused on Feb. 1 as student leaders attended initial quadripartite discussions with other stakeholders in Rangoon, where they agreed to a framework for continued dialogue geared toward amending the controversial law.

Talks will continue of Feb. 3, when stakeholders will reconvene in Naypyidaw to begin addressing 11 demands set by student activists.

The post NLD Distances Itself from Leading Voice on Education appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Orchestra for Myanmar Debuts to Packed House in Rangoon

Posted: 02 Feb 2015 05:37 AM PST

The Orchestra of Myanmar performs at the National Theater. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

The Orchestra of Myanmar performs at the National Theater. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — The National Theater in Rangoon was packed to overflowing on Saturday evening for a free debut performance from the Orchestra for Myanmar, the culmination of a mentoring program for young musicians under the direction of the founder and director of Live4music, Sebastian See-Schierenberg.

Live4Music is a UK-based, musically focused charity that strives to bring practical knowledge and inspiration to aspiring young musicians.

With sponsorship and support from the KT Wong Foundation, which focuses on building links between Asia and Western cultural bases, and the British Council and Goethe Society, See-Schierenberg brought together both local and international artists to collaborate on the project.

The evening featured both individual artists and combined performances and was very well received by a standing-room-only audience.

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Protests Continue as Students, Govt Discuss Education Reform

Posted: 02 Feb 2015 02:52 AM PST

Students, educators, government ministers and lawmakers meet to discuss amendments to a controversial National Education Law in Rangoon on Feb. 1, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Students, educators, government ministers and lawmakers meet to discuss amendments to a controversial National Education Law in Rangoon on Feb. 1, 2015. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Student demonstrators have reached an eight-point agreement with educational and political stakeholders outlining pre-conditions for further discussion of education reform, though activists said the government deferred a request to grant immunity to protesters.

Hordes of students and their supporters set out from Mandalay on Jan. 20 to protest a controversial new National Education Law, planning to drum up support as they marched to the commercial capital, Rangoon.

The demonstrations were paused on Sunday as student leaders met with lawmakers, politicians and members of the National Network for Education Reform (NNER) in Rangoon, but the march resumed on Monday despite what some viewed as warnings from authorities.

President's Office Minister Aung Min said during Sunday's meeting that he had told student demonstrators during previous discussions in Naypyidaw that he would "take responsibility of security for students until they reached Popa [in Mandalay Division] with the approval of the president," but the safety of those who continued the march could not be guaranteed until he speaks with the president.

Student representatives said that while legal and physical protection for the demonstrators was among their priorities, no progress has been made toward immunity so the issue was temporarily shelved to allow time for other debates.

"We have already prepared for everything," said Phyo Phyo Aung, a member of the Action Committee for Democratic Education (ACDE), "so we skipped this topic to discuss other important demands and we will discuss it again [during future talks]."

Sunday's talks concluded with a formal agreement signed by participants that the quadripartite talks about education reform would continue in Naypyidaw on Jan. 3, and would proceed under certain conditions set by the students.

Their first three demands were easily accepted by other stakeholders, including agreements to issue a public statement at the end of each meeting, allow the public access to information and activities related to education reform, and ensuring that all four parties involved in the talks have equal opportunity to participate.

An agreement for the government to recognize and accept existing student and teachers unions was reached after an exhaustive four-hour debate, with many details still pending further talks.

Students and NNER representatives also demanded that students and educators be involved in drafting the framework for amendments to existing and future legislation related to education. Plans detailing how stakeholders will be involved in the process will be discussed in future meetings.

Eleven specific legislative demands made by student protesters have not yet come under review.

"We haven't discussed our 11 demands yet, we only discussed the preconditions," said Min Thwe Thit, another member of the ACDE. He said government representatives were not amenable to all of the students' desires, leaving him "not satisfied with this meeting."

The 11 demands cover wide-ranging criticisms of the National Education Law, calling on lawmakers to amend the law to decentralize curricular control, allow formation of student and teachers unions, reintegrate students who left school for political reasons and increase educational spending to 20 percent of the national budget.

President Thein Sein did not attend Sunday's meeting but sent a letter to participants which was read aloud by Aung Min. The president acknowledged that many parents were concerned by the recent demonstrations, fearing that they could disrupt exams forthcoming exams or lead to the closure of schools. He urged lawmakers to find an expedient solution for amending the National Education Law.

"Because of the pressure of these protests, the government is calling for negotiations," said ACDE's Min Thwe Thit. "Our protests will continue as we proceed with discussion."

The student protests have gained considerable traction since they began in late 2014. Hundreds of students continued their march on Monday, leaving Yanangyaung in central Burma for Magwe, the capital of the division of the same name.

The post Protests Continue as Students, Govt Discuss Education Reform appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Govt Ministries Systematically Flouting Spending Rules: Auditor General

Posted: 02 Feb 2015 01:55 AM PST

The Office of the Auditor General has documented nearly 800 breaches of public finance rules by ministries in the last financial year. (Photo: Ministry of Finance / Facebook)

The Office of the Auditor General has documented nearly 800 breaches of public finance rules by ministries in the last financial year. (Photo: Ministry of Finance / Facebook)

RANGOON — Government ministries increasingly flouted financial regulations during the second half of the 2013-14 financial year, the Office of the Auditor General has revealed, and lawmakers say that legislative reform is urgently needed to enforce existing public spending requirements issued by the Ministry of Finance.

There were 799 documented breaches of financial rules by government ministries between April 2013 and March 2014, more than double the 301 breaches from the 2012-13 financial year, said Maung Toe, the Union Parliament secretary of the Public Accounts Committee, quoting a report from the Auditor General during a parliamentary session on Jan 30. Twice as many breaches occurred in the last six months of the financial year as in the period between April and September 2013.

Common breaches included ministries overstating project costs in budget submissions and retaining the balance, overstating staffing levels and retaining salaries, and depositing surplus finances into private banking institutions rather than returning them to government coffers. The Auditor General's report said that ministries currently owe the Union government at least 751 million kyats (US$730,000) from unspent outlays.

The audit accounts for just under two thirds of the 18 trillion kyats (US$17.49 billion) of total expenditure across all Union government ministries during the 2013-14 financial year, as legal restrictions prevent the Auditor General from scrutinizing to military expenditure, and the report said there were logistical difficulties auditing the accounts of departments in border and remote areas.

The Public Accounts Committee has laid blame for the breaches on a widespread lack of understanding of the current tendering system used for government outsourcing and procurement, and said that parliamentary committees were failing to exercise an effective level of accountability over their ministries.

The Ministry of Livestock, Fisheries and Rural Development alone violated financial rules more than 90 times in the last six months of the financial year, according to Maung Toe.

Lawmakers have lamented the lack of a public finance law to penalize ministries that did not abide by spending rules, stating that ministries were not respecting the legal framework for public spending established by the Ministry of Finance.

"Not only ministries, but even township level departments are asking for development finances and never complete their projects," said Lower House lawmaker Moe Zaw Hein. "The parliament must take actions to ensure existing laws are respected and obeyed."

Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann has sought input on measures to control ministry spending and lawmakers are set to discuss the issue in Monday's session of parliament.

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Lawmaker Urges Return of 15,000 Acres Seized by Govt

Posted: 02 Feb 2015 12:47 AM PST

 

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An aerial view of Rangoon's Hlinethaya Township. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

An aerial view of Rangoon's Hlinethaya Township. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Compensation for nearly 15,000 acres of land confiscated by Burma's former military regime for redevelopment in Rangoon has yet to be paid, according to a lawmaker in Parliament's Lower House.

Parliamentarian Aung Thein Lin raised a question on Friday about measures the government is taking to address the claims of farmers who were not compensated for a government land-grab of about 14,900 acres of land that was seized to develop Hlinethaya, Shwepyitha and Thanlyin-Kyauktan townships.

New townships were established in Rangoon between 1989 and 1997, during which about 6,600 acres of land was confiscated from farmers to develop Hlinethaya Township; 3,172 acres for Shwepyitha Township; and 5,192 acres for Kyauktan Township, according to Aung Thein Lin.

A 1953 law pertaining to land use stipulates that the government must seek the consent of land holders and compensate them according to market prices before any plan to nationalize or repurpose the land is carried out, said Aung Thein Lin, who added that the previous government had failed to comply with this provision of the law.

Additionally, those who did receive compensation were not adequately paid, the lawmaker claimed.

"The farmland must be returned to the farmers because it was not confiscated according to the law. Companies that took the land and the government can't just do as they please. They must provide compensation," said Aung Thein Lin.

Deputy Construction Minister Win Myint told lawmakers that the redevelopment projects were implemented by government order and instructions to seek the consent of farmers were not given. The government's Human Settlement and Housing Development Department is still in the process of negotiating with farmers on compensation, but return of the land is impossible because the redevelopment projects were already completed, the deputy minister said.

 

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Burma Opens Deep Sea Port for Chinese Oil Pipeline

Posted: 01 Feb 2015 10:59 PM PST

The construction site for a pipeline, which will transport oil and gas into China, is seen in central Burma. (Photo: Reuters)

The construction site for a pipeline, which will transport oil and gas into China, is seen in central Burma. (Photo: Reuters)

RANGOON — Burma has officially opened a deep sea port off its western coast, part of a US$2.45 billion port and pipeline project that will carry crude oil from the Middle East to China.

The port and 770-kilometer (480-mile) pipeline are a joint venture between the China National Petroleum Corp. (CNOC) and Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). Both are state companies.

Burma's Kyemon daily reported Friday that the port has 12 storage tanks with a combined capacity of 22 million gallons of oil.

CNOC said in a statement on its website that a recently completed pipeline from Kyaukphyu district in Burma's Arakan State to China's Yunnan province will be able to transport an estimated 190 million gallons of oil per day. The refineries to receive the oil are not yet completed, but trial operations at the port began Wednesday.

Burma's Vice President Nyan Tun said Thursday that the pipeline will generate revenues for his country and supply crude oil for domestic consumption, though he did not specify any figures.

Activists in the region have protested the project, citing potential environmental risks and inadequate compensation for lost land.

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In Red Heartlands, Thai Army Keeps a Lid on Dissent

Posted: 01 Feb 2015 10:02 PM PST

Armed Thai soldiers walk inside an encampment of pro-government red shirt supporters in Nakhon Pathom province on the outskirts of Bangkok May 22, 2014. 

Armed Thai soldiers walk inside an encampment of pro-government red shirt supporters in Nakhon Pathom province on the outskirts of Bangkok May 22, 2014.

KHON KAEN, Thailand — In the northeastern Thai city of Khon Kaen, Pongpit Onlamai, a prominent anti-junta "red shirt" member, points to a man seated in the corner of the cafe fidgeting with his phone.

"Soldiers are always following me around," Pongpit, a DJ at a red shirt radio station before it was shut down after last May's military coup. "Today, this guy's here."

At one point the man, dressed in civilian clothes, raises his phone, appearing to take a photograph of Pongpit.

In this rural stronghold of deposed Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and her exiled brother Thaksin, supporters are fuming at last month's decision by the junta-appointed assembly to ban her from politics for five years.

But military repression, and Thaksin's policy—for now—of avoiding confrontation, mean there is little chance of an immediate return to the often-violent street protests which dogged the country for the past decade, local red shirts say.

"The army's control is firm because they have the guns," Pongpit told Reuters.

Since seizing power and declaring martial law, the military has snuffed out dissent by restricting public gatherings and closing partisan media. More than 300 people, including activists, journalists and politicians, have been detained since the coup, according to Human Rights Watch.

Acutely aware of Thaksin's rural support base, the army has kept a keen eye on the provinces in the north and northeast of the country.

Pongpit said local red shirts supported Thaksin's apparent strategy of holding back until the military returned power to civilians, despite the fact that junta leader General Prayuth Chan-ocha has not said exactly when that will happen.

"We have to monitor what the [pro-Thaksin] leaders are saying before we do anything."

'Waiting for the Right Moment'

Perhaps more than anywhere else in Thailand, Khon Kaen province, which includes a capital by the same name, has felt the army's clampdown.

A multi-billion dollar, loss-making rice subsidy scheme by Yingluck's government was hugely popular here. The fact that alleged corruption in the scheme was the reason for Yingluck's downfall, and that the program has now been scrapped, rankles deeply.

As in much of the country, the immediate aftermath of the coup saw local red shirts leaders detained by the military and made to sign documents agreeing to swear off politics.

Twenty-six local activists, most of them elderly, are on trial in a Khon Kaen military court on charges of stockpiling weapons and planning to commit acts of terrorism—accusations red shirts say are trumped up.

The junta has followed up Yingluck's impeachment—and news that she will face criminal corruption charges—by tightening its grip, including summoning members of the deposed government.

In Khon Kaen, the junta issued instructions to authorities at the outset of the proceedings against Yingluck to keep a tight lid on dissent, the junta-installed provincial Governor Gumtorn Thavornstit told Reuters.

"I believe there are people who are dissatisfied. But I also think some people have become smarter," Gumtorn said.

The deputy head of the army's Internal Security Operations Command in the province, Colonel Jaturapong Bokbon, brushed off suggestions that there had been any change in security since Yingluck's impeachment. "The people of Khon Kaen are happily living their lives," he said.

Since the coup, local activists have avoided meeting, said Sabina Shah, the president of the Khon Kaen 51 red shirt group. But impeachment led to a flurry of activity on social media, including a plan by activists to start wearing red clothes in the coming days.

"It's not much, but it's a start. It gives people hope that we will fight," she said. "We're not quiet. We're just waiting for the right moment."

'Farmers Have to Rise Up'

If and when that moment comes, red shirt leaders can tap into a growing well of resentment among rural voters, whose support propelled Yingluck to a landslide election win in 2011.

In the villages surrounding Khon Kaen, locals described Yingluck's impeachment as the second in a one-two punch. The end of generous rice subsidies, means farmers are now taking a big hit on earnings.

In Kampea village, Pikul Nuang Chompoo, 65, said she made a guaranteed 15,000 baht ($460) per tonne of jasmine rice, and 12,000 per tonne of sticky rice. By November that was down to 9,000 and 7,000 respectively at the market. Whereas once she earned a healthy profit of 130,000 baht per year, Pikul said she is now facing down debt.

"Thaksin's governments sympathized with farmers and rural people. This government is for the people in the city," she said. "Farmers have to rise up."

In the nearby village of Phomnimit, Manon Puangraya, 54, was not as a badly affected. Like many farmers in the northeast, crops account for only part of his income—most comes from his work as a shoe smith in Bangkok.

But the high-handedness of the military and Bangkok elites are starting to anger him. "It was only during Thaksin's time that this place developed. Before all we had were our rice fields."

The post In Red Heartlands, Thai Army Keeps a Lid on Dissent appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pro-Democracy Protesters Back in Hong Kong, No Violence

Posted: 01 Feb 2015 09:49 PM PST

Pro-democracy protesters carry yellow umbrellas, the symbol of the Occupy movement, and banners as they march on a street in Hong Kong on Feb. 1, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

Pro-democracy protesters carry yellow umbrellas, the symbol of the Occupy movement, and banners as they march on a street in Hong Kong on Feb. 1, 2015. (Photo: Reuters)

HONG KONG — Thousands of pro-democracy protesters returned to the streets of Hong Kong on Sunday in the first large-scale rally since demonstrations rocked the global financial hub late last year.

Some 2,000 police flanked thousands of protesters who marched on the city's glitzy shopping and financial districts, seeking to avoid a repeat of the so-called Occupy Central campaign that saw demonstrations shut down key roads for two-and-a-half months.

Organizers estimated the turnout at 13,000, but police said 8,800 people showed up at the march's peak.

Last year's protests for a fully democratic vote to choose Hong Kong's next leader were the most serious challenge to China's authority since the 1989 pro-democracy demonstrations and crackdown in Beijing's Tiananmen Square.

While organizers stood fast to earlier demands for full democracy in the former British colony, they insisted Sunday's march would be peaceful and not seek to occupy any sites.

"We want to make it clear to the government that … we want true universal suffrage," said Daisy Chan, one of the organizers.

Packed streets resembled rivers of yellow as protesters carried yellow banners and umbrellas—a symbol of last year's campaign after protesters used them to fend off police pepper spray attacks.

Chants of "we want true democracy" echoed off high-rise buildings.

While the turnout by late afternoon fell far short of the 50,000 anticipated by organizers, some participants said they were pleased the spirit of last year's action had not been lost.

While anti-democracy groups were seen on the fringes of the protest, no scuffles were reported and police separated potential troublemakers.

Other protesters feared they might face violence from anti-democracy groups later in the evening, and some were arming themselves with protective shields, though the demonstrators ended up dispersing without incident.

Colonial-era Hong Kong flags and Union Jacks were seen flying among the crowds, prompting one old woman to yell at a student waving the British flag: "You say you want independence, but you don't."

The student, Sherman Ying, 20, said the protesters wanted their fates to be "controlled by us, not some government officials in Beijing or some puppet in Hong Kong."

"It is just that simple," he said.

Hong Kong returned to Chinese rule in 1997 and enjoys wide-ranging freedoms and autonomy under a so-called "one country two systems" arrangement, but many fear tightening controls from Beijing.

Beijing has allowed city-wide elections for choosing the next chief executive in 2017, but wants to screen candidates first under a conservative electoral reform package proposed last August by China's parliament.

The prospect of screening has riled local democrats and their supporters, who fear pro-democracy candidates will effectively be barred from standing for election.

Beijing's steadfast refusal to capitulate to protester demands comes as concern spreads that China's leaders are tightening control over its freest and most international city.

Beijing's proposal is due to be voted on by Hong Kong's 70-seat legislature over the summer, but pro-democracy lawmakers—who hold just over one-third of the votes—have pledged to veto the plan, setting the scene for further clashes and tension.

The post Pro-Democracy Protesters Back in Hong Kong, No Violence appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Okinawa Islanders face off with Tokyo over bases

Posted: 01 Feb 2015 08:57 PM PST

Demonstrators in Tokyo protesting against US bases on Okinawa in 2010. (Photo: Yuriko Nakao / Reuters)

Demonstrators in Tokyo protesting against US bases on Okinawa in 2010. (Photo: Yuriko Nakao / Reuters)

NAGO, Japan — Japan’s Okinawa, a chain of tropical islands more than three hours southwest of Tokyo by plane, looks and feels almost like a different country. A growing number of islanders say it should be just that.

Perennial anger over Okinawa’s hosting of tens of thousands of US troops has flared to a new level after the election of an anti-base governor and lawmakers late last year—victories that have been all but ignored by those in power in Tokyo.

Hawkish Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is pushing ahead with the construction of a new base near the island’s northern city of Nago, meaning that Okinawans’ homes will stay on the frontline of the country’s defences.

And in another blow for what is one of Japan’s poorest areas, the central government has cut the prefecture’s budget.

"By ignoring our wishes, the Japanese government is broadening the gulf between Okinawans and Japanese," said Masahide Ota, an 89-year-old historian and former governor. "If the government forces this issue, the idea of breaking away will really catch fire."

Abe’s push to amend the pacifist constitution, giving Japan a more active military role in the region, has pushed security onto the political agenda in the run up to nationwide local elections in April.

While most agree that the idea of returning to the days when Okinawa was a proud kingdom is a dream, the anger that feeds the desire to break away could prove a major headache for Abe at the polls.

"We’re sick of being deceived by the ruling party," said Yorie Arakaki, a 44-year-old housewife among protesters who clashed with police a few weeks ago as dump trucks came in the dead of night to start working at Henoko, site of a new base to replace Futenma air base in central Okinawa.

"We now see that the will of the people won’t be honored."

Emotions are especially high this year, the 70th anniversary of the Battle of Okinawa, which left 30 percent of the island’s population dead. Residents lived under US rule for the next 27 years.

Even now, Okinawa hosts nearly 75 percent of the US military presence in Japan, taking up 18 percent of its land area.

Abe’s push to beef up Japan’s military, driven by China’s growing assertiveness, has some worried in Okinawa, which sits some 1,600 km (1,000 miles) south of Tokyo. Last month, buoyed by December’s re-election, his government passed a record $42 billion defence budget.

"In the hypothetical case of a military 'situation,' Tokyo is so far away it won’t feel the pain, just like 70 years ago," Nago mayor Susumu Inamine told Reuters.

"Then, Okinawa helped buy time for the home islands, and this thinking basically hasn’t changed. People on the mainland want Okinawans to put up with everything so they can feel safe."

Everyone agrees that Futenma, crammed in the middle of a densely-populated residential area, must be moved. But a rising number of Okinawans now say it should be shifted from the islands altogether. Reasons include the planned deployment of the controversial Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft, loathed for its noise, among other reasons.

"The vibrations make your insides go numb," said Kanako Kawakami, a 56-year-old resident of Ginowan, the site of Futenma.

Huddled among a group of 100 protesters, Kawakami was part of a round-the-clock vigil on a hillside in front of Camp Schwab, a US base that abuts the Henoko site.

Dump trucks arrived in the dead of night. In January, an 80-year-old woman was hurt in clashes between protesters and riot police.

The bases have always been a devil’s bargain for Japan’s second-poorest prefecture, where unemployment is about 75 percent higher than the national average.

In the rundown city of Nago, Abe’s vaunted economic growth policies appear to have had little impact on its 61,500 residents. Some are resigned. "Bases bring in money," said taxi driver Masatsune Naka, 65. "People have to support families."

To help the prefecture, Tokyo has provided a generous development budget, insisting it is not linked to bases.

But after the election of anti-base governor Takeshi Onaga in November, and the trouncing of ruling party candidates in a December parliamentary election, the government said it was cutting the budget by 16 billion yen to 334 billion yen in the 2015/16 fiscal year.

And as the percentage of the island’s GDP coming from the bases fall—from 15 percent in 1972 to 4.9 percent in 2011—Okinawans are aware they need to be more self-reliant.

Tourism now accounts for nearly 10 percent of GDP, including a hefty number of foreigners.

Freeing up base land for local use would also allow expansion of growing industries such as information technology and call centres.

Economically, though, things would be tough. Okinawa’s GDP ranks alongside that of the tiny Pacific island of Tuvalu.

"There’s no way we’d ever declare independence, we couldn’t feed ourselves," said Satoru Kinjo, head of the local branch of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party.

But islander anger, and the government’s response, could pose a national danger for Abe. On Jan. 25, nearly 7,000 people gathered to protest the Henoko base in Tokyo.

"The Japanese people will be watching what happens here," Inamine, the Nago mayor, said. "People who have supported the government and LDP up to now won’t be able to excuse their excesses anymore."

The post Okinawa Islanders face off with Tokyo over bases appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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