The Irrawaddy Magazine

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• Tenasserim Chief Minister Lei Lei Maw: ‘We Will Rebuild Our Country’     
• Revived Cement Factory Draws Protestors in Hpa-an
• Ethnic Armies Pledge Talks First, ‘Joint Defense’ Contingency
• From Strong Questions To Effective Decentralization in Burma
• Questions Raised Over Power Transfer Invites
• Four Years Later, Arakan’s State of Emergency Lifted
• Fire Destroys Burmese Refugee Homes, Thai Military Post
• Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week
• Bertil Lintner: ‘It’s High Time the MPC Be Investigated for Corruption’
• Pat Jasan Reverend: ‘We’ll Continue Our Poppy Eradication’
• One in Five Burmese Children Go to Work Instead of School: Census
• Thai Election Panel Expects 80% Turnout for Referendum
• China Official Says Dalai Lama ‘Making a Fool’ of Buddhism

Tenasserim Chief Minister Lei Lei Maw: ‘We Will Rebuild Our Country’      Posted: 29 Mar 2016 06:52 AM PDT Lae Lae Maw, who was appointed chief minister of Tenasserim Division on Monday.  (Photo: Dawei Watch) Lei Lei Maw, a sitting lawmaker in the regional legislature for Tenasserim Division, was appointed chief minister of the division on Monday, becoming one of Burma's first females to hold the position. Burma's state and divisional parliaments this week announced the incoming regional heads, appointed by President-elect Htin Kyaw, and the list included two women—Lei Lei Maw and Karen State's Nang Khin Htwe Myint. Despite pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi's prominence in Burma, women have been largely excluded from top political posts in her incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) government. Lei Lei Maw, 51, is a medical doctor who joined the NLD in 2012 and ran in the November 2015 general election, representing Thayetchaung constituency. The ethnic Karen-Burman, Christian, and mother of four has run a private clinic for more than 20 years and has delivered free health care in remote villages.  She will succeed the Union Solidarity and Development Party's (USDP) Myat Ko, who sought re-election in 2015 but was defeated. The ceremonial transfer of power will occur on Wednesday night in Naypyidaw. The Irrawaddy spoke with Lei Lei Maw following her parliamentary appointment on Monday. What are the three main things you would like to focus on during your term? Because we are far away from "Burma proper," agriculture is not very developed even though there is a lot of land. In order to utilize, manage and develop that land, I would first like to tackle land confiscation cases, in which land that was designated for agriculture was seized by the government, U Paing—the [military-owned] Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited [UMEHL], and other private businessmen. Second, rule of law must be reinforced in all states and divisions. And third, I will reassess the investments in the Dawei seaport project. If it doesn't benefit the residents, we have no reason to accept it. As far as I know, there is no environmental conservation plan even though it is a huge project. What you will do for women in your region? Because we are near the border with Thailand, many women and girls leave school and migrate across the border to supplement their family income. They are eager to work despite disparagement. I want to empower them and give them better prospects. I hope our sons and daughters will come back home if we can boost small and medium businesses here and offer them job opportunities. What do you think you can do better or different than your predecessors, as a woman chief minister? I think I will work more for gender equality, women's empowerment, health care for mothers and children, and public health. When we say public health, most people think of building hospitals and opening clinics, but this is not effective because most people cannot afford to go to the hospitals. There is a Burmese saying, 'Prevention is better than cure.' Burma is bad at raising public health awareness, especially in low-income communities where infectious disease occurs most. There are currently only three women in the cabinet. Some people say the number of women in government is too low. What do you think? We need to try to get more women involved. Globally, female presidents are leading countries. We need to create more programs that empower women and train them for that. Is there anything else that you would like to add? I believe that people's lives will improve under Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership. Following her, we will rebuild our country. The post Tenasserim Chief Minister Lei Lei Maw: 'We Will Rebuild Our Country'      appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Revived Cement Factory Draws Protestors in Hpa-an Posted: 29 Mar 2016 06:44 AM PDT Villagers opposed to a proposed cement factory in Karen State's Hpa-an Township hold a prayer vigil on Tuesday. (Photo: KESAN / Facebook) RANGOON — Hundreds of locals in the Karen State capital Hpa-an gathered on Tuesday to voice objections to a recently revived proposal there to develop a limestone quarry and cement factory, which was put on hold two years ago pending public consultation. At a "No Cement" prayer vigil, protestors demanded a scrapping of the project, slated to produce 5,000 tons of cement per day in Mi Karen village, part of Hpa-an Township. Residents from dozens of villages fear the cement project, near Kawt Phyan Mountain, will have negative environmental and public health impacts if it goes forward. The villagers said they went to listen to Maj. Chit Thu of a Karen Border Guard Force, who held a meeting on March 19 in a hotel in Hpa-an, where the rebel-turned-businessman shared details of the project. The locals were not invited, but showed up to the meeting and were allowed to sit in after hearing about it on social media. Saw Nyan Win, a Mi Karen villager who attended that meeting, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that villagers were concerned that in addition to environmental and health consequences, the project would involve land confiscation. "There are four villages near to the project area, but we did not give our consent to Major Chit Thu as we don't agree with it," he said, adding that organizers had collected the signatures of more than 500 people who attended the prayer event on Tuesday, and believed many more than that had turned out for the protest. Saw Nyan Win said he and the other villagers were told to consider the project a positive contribution to regional development. There are already two cement factories in Hpa-an run by the government and the military's Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL), which have a combined production capacity of 4,900 tons per day. Both factories are located in Myaingkalay town, with the new project just a few miles away from the current operations, according to the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN). Saw Tha Phoe, an ethnic Karen environmentalist from KESAN, told The Irrawaddy that locals were facing enough health problems from the existing factories, which he linked to both air and noise pollution. Mining related to the operations had produced vibrations that also caused damage to an ancient pagoda, he said, adding that with the factories drawing migrants from elsewhere, both drug use and sexual abuse of women were social ills increasingly facing the community. "As the new cement project is supposed to be run by coal, impacts could be added on crops and the local environment," he said, "and the residents in a 10-mile radius around it will suffer more." Saw Tha Phoe said despite boosters' touting of projects like the cement factory as "development initiatives," the country still lacked a systematic approach to implementation. "A significant change is our mountains have been getting gradually smaller, if we compare them to our childhood," Saw Tha Phoe added, referring to the impacts of mining on the area. The post Revived Cement Factory Draws Protestors in Hpa-an appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ethnic Armies Pledge Talks First, ‘Joint Defense’ Contingency Posted: 29 Mar 2016 05:20 AM PDT Delegates from ethnic armed groups at a May 2015 summit in Panghsang. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — Five ethnic armed groups in conflict with the government and Burma's largest non-state army will first seek to negotiate an end to hostilities, but the strategy will evolve into "joint defense" if those talks fail, the groups' leaders agreed following a meeting in Panghsang, Wa Special Region. "Our ethnic armed forces will take action jointly if they [aggressors] continue to fight, or try to control others' areas of control," said Kyi Myint, a spokesperson for the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), one of the groups invited to the meeting, while noting that negotiation was the preferred means of conflict resolution. The groups said this approach applied both to recent fighting between the government and ethnic armed groups, and in an apparent territorial dispute that last year saw troops from the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) clash with the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S). The TNLA was also among the ethnic armed groups that sent representatives to Panghsang, headquarters of the United Wa State Army, Burma's largest non-state armed group. The UWSA is not among actively warring parties in Burma, with a 1989 bilateral ceasefire with the then junta government holding strong. The six groups signed onto a joint statement echoing Kyi Myint's remarks following the three-day meeting, which concluded on Monday. "What's most important is to settle the lives of people, bringing peace. This is what we all agreed to do at the meeting. We are asking them to stop fighting," Kyi Myint said, referring to inter-ethnic hostilities. "We are also asking the Tatmadaw [Burma Army] to stop fighting." The SSA-S, a signatory to the so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) signed by eight non-state armed groups and the government in October, was not invited to the Panghsang summit. Kyi Myint did not specifically mention the SSA-S, but said any group that fomented conflict in the region would be subject to the approach laid out in the joint statement. Col. Sai Hla, a spokesperson for the SSA-S, said his group welcomed UWSA involvement in resolving northern Shan State's conflicts. "It would be appropriate for them [UWSA] to go and say to the TNLA first not to fight us, because the TNLA was first to attack us. There will be no more fighting if the TNLA does not fight anymore," said Sai Hla. Sai Hla said his group hoped to have direct talks with leaders from the TNLA, describing it as the "only solution" to lingering tensions between the two groups. In November, troops from the TNLA clashed with the SSA-S in Shan State's Namkham Township, in a troubling setback for peace prospects in the region. More recently, in February, thousands of civilians in Kyaukme Township were displaced by fighting between the TNLA and government troops, in what the former has described as a massive Burma Army offensive. Clashes were reported as recently as last week by both the TNLA and Kachin Independence Army (KIA), both of which sent representation to Panghsang over the weekend. Kyi Myint said also discussed was how to handle the resettlement of civilian populations displaced by recent fighting in northern Shan State. The statement from the six groups in Panghsang said the meeting's attendees would participate in peace-building with the new government, to be led by the National League for Democracy (NLD). "We all made the decision at the meeting to actively participate in the peace process by cooperating with new government," said Kyi Myint, adding that the NCA framework that the incoming administration will inherit was "not perfect." "There was fighting between Ta'ang and RCSS," he said, referring to the Restoration Council of Shan State, the political arm of the SSA-S. "This fighting broke out just after the signing of the NCA. The RCSS took advantage by signing the NCA, then fought others to get more territory under its control." The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), Shan State Army-North and Arakan Army also joined the Panghsang summit. None of the six groups attending is an NCA signatory, and all have clashed with government troops within the last year. The post Ethnic Armies Pledge Talks First, 'Joint Defense' Contingency appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

From Strong Questions To Effective Decentralization in Burma Posted: 29 Mar 2016 02:22 AM PDT Civilian and military MPs leave a meeting at the Union Parliament in Naypyidaw on January 29, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) Burma is at a crossroads in its decentralization process. The National League for Democracy's (NLD) election manifesto affirms that it will implement transparent projects for the balanced development of all 14 states and regions of the country. In an effort to reduce centralized financial control, the NLD vows to divide authority and responsibility for financial matters appropriately between Union and regional governments. Though the capacity of sub-national governments remains unmeasured, their potential is huge. Nascent state and regional parliaments at the beginning of their five-year terms will need hands-on support and extensive resources to help realize the process. Earlier this month, the economic think tank Renaissance Institute (RI), in collaboration with The Asia Foundation (TAF), organized a two-day workshop for members of the Sagaing regional parliament on public financing and administration. It focused particularly on state and regional budgeting and the roles of local development organizations—such as municipal organizations—at the city level and in the General Administration Department (GAD), which remains under the Ministry of Home Affairs. Nearly all of the 101 members of Sagaing parliament attended, including representatives from the Tatmadaw (the Burma Army) and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). I supplemented the main presentations with a basic overview of how the government could help its citizens manage social and economic risks with the help of various public policy approaches. Sandar Min, a former Lower House MP and a current member of the Rangoon regional parliament, shared her experience as a lawmaker regarding legislative responsibilities and oversight on government funded projects. It was very encouraging to see the participants' enthusiasm and commitment to rebuilding the nation. In Burma's cultural hierarchy, people within the tightly centralized public sector are often reluctant to put forward even simple inquiries. But these MPs were engaged—most of them asked good questions. An NLD representative inquired why the USDP-approved government budget for the 2016-2017 fiscal year had allocated only six percent of funds to agricultural and rural development when more than 60 percent of the country's population is engaged in the agricultural sector. Another NLD member of the Sagaing parliament was curious if an increased GDP could actually benefit people under the poverty line, since Burma's growing GDP had not, over the last five years, changed the lives of the poor within his constituency. Other questions asked by the MPs concerned procurement, fair taxation, the tender process, implementation of government funded projects and oversight. While it remains to be seen whether NLD-led sub-national administrations have the capacity to deliver a democracy that meets people's expectations, asking strong questions from the outset will play an important role in making decentralization work. Because of limited transparency under the successive governments of the past 60 years, such queries were not properly raised when they were most needed; this lack of good questions led to bad policy. Comprehensive data presented in March's workshop revealed how public financing practices over the last decade had led to the development of poorly made policies. Yet sub-national parliaments remain underfunded and with limited resources. They need tools for policy analysis, technical assistance and knowledge production to help them play meaningful roles in drafting better policy. Many of Sagaing's regional MPs, including the Tatmadaw's representatives, appeared to understand the needs of their constituents. But the challenges facing them are enormous: for most lawmakers, it is the first time that they are engaging in public affairs. They need hands-on assistance from both domestic and international experts in approaching sensitive issues, but the majority of outside attention has been directed to Naypyidaw since 2011. State and regional governments and parliaments will require diverse forms of support and resources for policymakers to be able to deliver democracy by turning good questions into effective and efficient decentralization. Zawtuseng Nanggaw is a program officer with the Open Society Foundation's (OSF) Burma/Myanmar Program. He is currently on sabbatical from OSF to pursue research in Mandalay and Monywa. The views in this article are his own, and do not reflect those of OSF, RI, or TAF. The post From Strong Questions To Effective Decentralization in Burma appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Questions Raised Over Power Transfer Invites Posted: 29 Mar 2016 12:50 AM PDT National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi addresses the inaugural meeting of a bipartisan transition committee in Naypyidaw in December. (Photo: Ye Htut / Facebook) RANGOON — Three-hundred representatives from various organizations will be invited to participate in the transfer of power ceremony at outgoing President Thein Sein's residence in Naypyidaw on March 30, senior National League for Democracy (NLD) official Win Htein said on Monday. Ambassadors, high-ranking military generals, government officials and senior members of the NLD are among those invited to the Presidential Palace for the occasion, according to the central executive committee member. "We will invite the appropriate people [from the military]," he added, after party leader Aung San Suu Kyi excluded three militarily appointed ministers from a meeting of the incoming cabinet that she convened last week. Recently, journalists have criticized the invitation process regarding media selection, amid rumors that a bipartisan committee formed to oversee the transition had planned to only invite government mouthpieces and a few private newspapers to the event. Outgoing Information Minister Ye Htut explained to the public on his Facebook account that the NLD had picked which media outlets to invite, and that the matter should be taken up with the incoming ruling party. His account did not confirm the number of media invitees, but said the committee would choose about 20 weekly journals, seven dailies, both state-owned and private broadcasters, and some international media, such as Voice of America and the BBC. On Monday evening, Win Htein could not confirm the number of news organizations invited to the historic event and said the question should be addressed to newly appointed Information Minister Pe Myint. President-elect Htin Kyaw will be center stage at the power handover on March 30, but Suu Kyi will also presumably be in attendance. She named herself to head four ministries of the incoming government and has effectively said she will govern via Htin Kyaw as part of a proxy president arrangement she deemed necessary given that she is constitutionally barred from Burma's highest elected office under a military-drafted charter prohibiting those with foreign children from assuming the role. Suu Kyi has two British-born sons. The post Questions Raised Over Power Transfer Invites appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Four Years Later, Arakan’s State of Emergency Lifted Posted: 28 Mar 2016 11:42 PM PDT Burmese troops gather around a fire engine in the Arakan State capital Sittwe. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) RANGOON — According to state media, the state of emergency that had been placed on Arakan State in June 2012 following communal riots was lifted on Monday. The emergency was originally declared by the government of Burma's outgoing President Thein Sein due to escalating violence between Arakanese Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims and allowed the military greater participation in the administration of the region. Government media reported on Tuesday that President Thein Sein had lifted the state of emergency because the Arakan regional government had declared that tensions between the two groups no longer posed a threat to local communities. A series of riots between Arakanese Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims erupted in June 2012, displacing an estimated 140,000 people, the majority of whom were Rohingya. The post Four Years Later, Arakan's State of Emergency Lifted appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Fire Destroys Burmese Refugee Homes, Thai Military Post Posted: 28 Mar 2016 11:26 PM PDT Mae La Oon refugee camp in Thailand's Mae Hong Son Province, pictured in 2012. (Photo: Saw Yan Naing / The Irrawaddy) CHIANG MAI, Thailand — A large fire broke out in a Burmese refugee camp in northern Thailand on Monday, destroying about two dozen homes and community buildings as well as parts of a nearby Thai military base. The fire occurred in Mae La Oon refugee camp in northwestern Thailand's Mae Hong Son Province at around 4 p.m. The bamboo and wood structures lost in the blaze were located in Section 8, near the camp's entrance. The flames also spread to the temporary homes built for Thai soldiers who are stationed outside the camp for security. Saw Tu Tu, the head of Karen Refugee Committee's branch office in Mae Sariang Town, Mae Hong Son Province, told The Irrawaddy that the cause of the fire was accidental—the result of a cooking mishap in a refugee household. "[A local woman] was resting outside the house and burning firewood fell to the floor," he said. Saw Tu Tu said more than 20 residences were lost in the fire, including a food and supplies office and a local outpost of the International Organization for Migration (IOM); around ten structures were lost at the Thai military post. Mae La Oon is one of nine refugee camps on the Thai-Burma border and it hosts an estimated 12,000 refugees who have fled civil war in Burma. It has 13 sections in total—12 of which were not affected by this incident. After the fire was contained, local Thai authorities—including soldiers—visited the site and reportedly distributed food and water to the affected residents. They urged camp residents to be aware of the causes and risks of fires during the dry summer season due to heat and wildfire from the surrounding forest. Correction: A previous version of this story erroneously stated that 30-40 homes had been razed by the fire, according to Saw Tu Tu. The head of Karen Refugee Committee's branch office in Mae Sariang town actually put the number at 23-24. The post Fire Destroys Burmese Refugee Homes, Thai Military Post appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week Posted: 28 Mar 2016 11:16 PM PDT The Irrawaddy picks 10 interesting events happening in Rangoon this week. Performing Arts Mwathirika Performance by Papermoon Puppet Theatre Mwathirika is an Indonesian puppet show which tells the story of transition to military rule in the country in the mid-1960s. Even though Indonesia has undergone democratic reforms, the topic of the massacres of political dissidents at that time is still largely taboo. Papermoon Theatre will perform the show—which is told from the perspective of a child—twice in Burma: in Rangoon at the Goethe Villa and at a puppet festival in Mandalay. Where: Goethe Villa, No. 8 Ko Min Ko Chin Road, Bahan Tsp. When: Tuesday, March 29. Starts at 6:30 pm Khin Maung Htoo Concert To mark the 40th anniversary of his musical career, singer Khin Maung Htoo will stage a solo show titled 'Golden Music Night.' Famous singers such as May Sweet, May Kha Lar, Sein Moh Moh, Hay Mar Nay Win will join him. Ticket prices are 5,000, 10,000, and 20,000 kyats, respectively. Where: National Theater at Myoma Kyaung Road, Dagon Tsp: 01-382489 When: Saturday, April 2. Starts at 7 pm Free Show – Fundraising Dozens of artists, singers and comedians will be at a fundraising free show dedicated to orphans and children with disabilities. Special sales will be held alongside the show to raise money for the cause. Where: Myaw Sin Kyun, Kandawgyi Park When: On Friday, April 1. Special sales begin at 11 a.m. and the show starts at 6 p.m. Miscellaneous Book Buffet Myanmar Book Center will hold a 'book buffet' and clearance sale for readers. Buyers can buy two different sizes of bags for 15,000 and 25,000 kyats, respectively, to fill with books they like. Reference books in English and children's books will also be specially discounted, and others available at a 15 percent discount for members and 10 percent for non-members. Where: Myanmar Book Center, No. 55, Baho Street, Ahlon Tsp. Tel: 09-73015993 When: Friday, April 1 until Sunday, April 3. Academy Awards Ceremony The Academy Award presentation ceremony will be held for 2014 and 2015 films. The winners will be selected from a total of 27 films over the two years. Where: Myanmar Event Park on Shin Saw Pu Road, Sanchaung Tsp.  When: The evening of Sunday, April 3 Visual Arts Marked for Life German photographer Jens-Uwe Parkitny will exhibit photos from a series of expeditions to remote villages in southern Chin State. The portraits record the traditional, but now prohibited, practice of facial tattooing among the ethnic Chin community. Where: Goethe Villa, No. 8 Ko Min Ko Chin Road, Bahan Tsp. When: Monday, March 28 to Friday, April 8 Colorful Paung Laung Exhibition A group art exhibition entitled 'Colorful Paung Laung' will feature over 90 works by 17 artists from Naypyidaw's Pyinmana. Prices for the work range from US$100 to $700. Paintings include works in watercolor, oil paint, ink, pastel, digital art and more. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Sunday, March 27 to Thursday, March 31. Time: 9:00 am – 5:00 pm The Harmonies Exhibition Twelve artists will showcase their work in a group art exhibition entitled 'The Harmonies.' The exhibition will feature around 60 paintings. Where: Lokanat Galleries, 62 Pansodan St, 1st Floor, Kyauktada Tsp. Tel. 095-1382-269 When: Saturday, April 2 to Tuesday, April 5. Time: 9:00 am – 5:00 pm Hope Exhibition An art exhibition called 'Hope' will showcase over 100 paintings by young artists. The show is the third of its kind and paintings range in price from 50,000 kyats to 250,000 kyats. Where: Gallery 65, 65 Yaw Min Gyi St, Dagon Tsp. Tel: 01 246317 When: Saturday, April 2 to Monday, April 4 March in Colour Exhibition Titled 'March in Colour,' this group art exhibition will feature 258 paintings by 39 artists. Prices range from US$150 to $6,000 for the works. Where: Golden Valley Art Centre, No 54.D Bahan Tsp. Tel: 01-513621   When: Sunday, March 26 to Thursday, March 31 The post Ten Things to Do in Rangoon This Week appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Bertil Lintner: ‘It’s High Time the MPC Be Investigated for Corruption’ Posted: 28 Mar 2016 11:05 PM PDT The Irrawaddy's founding editor Aung Zaw (right) speaks with author and journalist Bertil Lintner in March 2016. (Photo: The Irrawaddy) Bertil Lintner, a Swedish-born journalist and author, has written many articles and several books on Burma over the course of his career. He is a former correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review and currently contributes to various news outlets, including The Irrawaddy. In this interview with The Irrawaddy's founding editor Aung Zaw, Lintner discusses what an Aung San Suu Kyi-led government might mean for Burma and the prospects for peace regarding the country's engagement with foreign donors and peacemakers. Welcome to The Irrawaddy, Bertil. Today, we'd like to discuss the incoming government, led by the National League for Democracy [NLD]. The Parliament has been approved, with U Htin Kyaw as the president, and they've chosen two vice presidents. For the first time in decades, we're going to have a civilian government. People have very high expectations. It's too early to make any judgments or speculations, but generally, people welcome this new political order in Burma. They want this military-led regime—one of the most oppressive, corrupt governments—to go away. In spite of initial problems we've heard about in the cabinet—fake diplomas and all that—people still generally welcome these changes. I want to hear your assessment, your opinion on this. It's only natural that expectations are very high. This will be the first civilian president in half a century, a government where most of the ministers don't have a military background. Expectations are high, but I will say they're unrealistically high. It will be very hard for this new government to live up to people's expectations because there's still the 2008 Constitution, which preserves fundamental powers within the military. So we're going to have a very popular civilian government with very limited powers. And we have to wait a year or two—maybe even less than that—to see what they can actually do, because the Minister of Defense is under the military, [the Minister of] Border Affairs, and most importantly, the Home Ministry [are also under the military], which means the department administration is above all the local governments, really, when it comes to day-to-day affairs, and they also control the police. So what's left for the elected government is not that much really. So what you're saying is that no matter who comes into power, power lies in the army's hands, the army still calls the shots? According to the 2008 Constitution, all the key ministries are still controlled by the armed forces. And in the Parliament, 25 percent is reserved for the military; they have absolute veto power. Definitely. If you want to change the Constitution, or even amend it somehow, according to one of the protocols in the Constitution, more than 75 percent of all the MPs have to vote in favor of the suggested change. That's not even the end of it. After that, according to the Constitution, that proposal to change the Constitution has to go to a national referendum. It's a very cumbersome process. So in effect, it's impossible to change the Constitution unless the military decides, "OK, now we'll go ahead and change it." And because of the Constitution, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi cannot become President. She's now taken four minister positions, which will give her a seat on the National Defense Security Council, the most powerful executive council—an 11-member council that decides national security issues. But she's also taken on another three portfolios as minister. It seems to kind of suggest that she's a "super minister." But at the same time, I've heard that there weren't enough qualified people or people had to drop out at the last minute, and she had to take over these portfolios. What is your reading on that? I'm not quite sure that was the case. Let's look at the [ministries] chosen: foreign affairs, energy, president's office and education. These are very important ministries. She will become, really, above the president, as she said. If you look at energy, for instance, that will have to do with relations with China. And China, as you know, is one of the owners of the biggest power stations in the country, which is very controversial. And that, combined with her foreign minister portfolio, gives her a kind of international profile, which is above the president. And then, of course, she is a minister in the President's Office as well. The question is: Can she really do all of these things at the same time? It's going to be very difficult, and still, she has to deal with the military, and if the military says no, it's no, no matter what she [Aung San Suu Kyi] wants to do. Some are saying that because of the cabinet minister list, the fake diploma, a lot of unknown people—including the vice presidents, one [of whom] was chosen by the military, who's very corrupt, General Myint Swe, and also very loyal to the former dictator, General Than Shwe; the other one is a totally unknown person, an ethnic Chin—a lot of heavyweights are being left out in the cold. So the honeymoon period may be shorter, because the press is getting aggressive, even the international media are getting aggressive—such as [the story] about Aung San Suu Kyi's driver becoming President—so I think [there is] a lot of misleading—as well as more aggressive and critical—reporting on the incoming government already. So I think the honeymoon period will be quite short. So what is the to-do list for Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD-led government? Well, I think first we have to dismiss this nonsense that this government is not, you know, competent enough compared to whatever. Let's face it: Compare this cabinet with its predecessor and its predecessor before that. Were they any more competent? No. They were absolutely very corrupt people, and they served an oppressive machine. And the only experience most of them had was military, not running ministries. So I don't think this government is going to be less competent than the previous one. And also the foreign media jumping on this thing about Aung San Suu Kyi's driver. Maybe he drives her car, I don't know, I drive a car, too, but I don't want to be called a "driver based in Thailand." I'm a writer. He [Htin Kyaw] is a decent person, he's a good choice, and I can understand why people are enthusiastic about him. Do you think that a lot of foreign investment will be coming in because an Aung San Suu Kyi-led government takes power, or that the country will become more aid-driven? More aid, definitely. A lot of foreign governments have pledged to give more aid. But investment, well, I think that will take time, because no one suggests jumping in and saying, "OK, now Burma's become democratic, let's go invest." I don't think people think that way, that's not their mindset. Their mindset is more "wait and see," let's see how this government performs. But you're talking about a to-do list. Yes, you have the economy—which is in shambles—education—it definitely has to improve—and then the old question of the civil war and peace in the country. So if you're talking about a to-do list, those three [things] should be at the top of that list. Talking about peace, we had a very well-known organization established under Thein Sein's government called the Myanmar Peace Center, MPC, led by outgoing minister U Aung Min and other peacemakers and other foreign peace experts, who came flocking to Burma to try to achieve peace between several ethnic groups. But also the NCA—the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement—signed by President Thein Sein's government, was a kind of half-baked success. Under Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, this process will continue, but it will be very much different. The MPC will become some sort of NGO, and there's a rumor going around that Aung San Suu Kyi will lead the MPC. What are your expectations? Well, first of all, you have to look at the MPC: What did they actually achieve? How many years have they been [in Burma], almost four or five years, and all they can show for the record is a so-called nationwide ceasefire agreement signed in Naypyidaw in October of last year with eight groups. But look at those eight groups—five of them have no armies, some of them just exist on paper. It's only three groups, really. The RCSS—the Shan group, the KNU—the Karen—and the DKBA—the other Karen faction. Three groups, which are mostly based on the Thai border, which were forced into signing this agreement under heavy Thai pressure, there's no doubt about that. All the major groups are left out, like the Wa, the Kachin, the Shan-North and so on. So it's obvious they need an entirely new approach for this problem, this issue. Exactly what that will be remains to be seen. I haven't seen any statement from them. The new government will be the only one to tackle the old issue of the ethnic civil war, which Aung San Suu Kyi herself said after she came out of house arrest in 2010, that the ethnic issue, the civil war, is the most important issue the country has to solve in order to move forward. So one should expect that the new government will try to tackle this problem in a different way. But the problem here is that it's also become an industry. I don't know how many foreign peacemakers come in here […] and say they want to make peace. But these people understand nothing about the roots of the ethnic conflict in Burma. Before we go in-depth about peacebuilding, I want to take it back to trust-building and confidence-building. When an Aung San Suu Kyi-led government comes to power, do you see there being any progress with those heavyweight groups that were left out, because Aung San Suu Kyi is different from the previous government? I think they're willing to give the new government a chance. That's my impression from talking to people from non-Burman ethnic groups, but it's too early to say. But if you look at this new cabinet, there are not that many non-Burman ministers there. And there are no women, apart from Aung San Suu Kyi […] Burma has a tradition of politically active women that predates Aung San Suu Kyi. Like in the 1950s, Burma had a lot of female MPs, they had female administrators. Women played a very important role in society at that time. [There were less women later] because the military is, by definition, a male-dominated institution, which they [the NLD] have yet to correct. I think an argument that can be used against this new government, which it will have to face, is why it's not more equal when it comes to ethnicity and gender. So [how] will the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi get these remaining ethnic groups to come to the table? The problem is that this approach [signing the ceasefire agreement] has been tried since 1963 when the first peace talks were held in Rangoon, and it's not working. There's not a civil war in the country because people like to fight; there's a civil war because there are many ethnic groups who would like to see a return to an improved version of a federalist system that Burma had before 1962. Unless they start talking about this issue now, they're not going to be able to move forward. None of these groups is going to agree to be disarmed unless there are serious political concessions made by the government. I think resource-sharing is also one of the biggest issues. Particularly under the previous regime, there's been plundering of these resources. Does the NLD comprehend the magnitude of these problems? Do they have enough information to make decisions or to make a more realistic approach to this conflict? We'll have to wait and see, but so far I see no signs of that at all. Look at Kachin State. The jade mining business is a multi-billion dollar business, and it could feed the whole country. But where's the money going? It's going to China, it's going to foreign interests, it's going to a number of local businessmen connected to the generals. Nothing, really, ends up in the hands of or benefits the local population up there. They're still dirt poor. And the country remains poor. Bertil, the last issue I want to ask you about is the future of the MPC. There were news reports that donor communities—like the EU—completely fell in love with the MPC in the last Parliament are going to end their funding at the end of March. But this peace-building process will continue. [There is a lot of] embezzlement and corruption and deep scandals that are still unwritten in a lot of international media. These donors, mostly from the West, are the ones who talk about transparency and accountability. But do they have any idea what's going on? I don't think they do. When the Myanmar Peace Center was around, you had the European Union and Norway and Switzerland and Japanese organizations just pouring money into this thing, millions and millions of dollars and euros. It became a big business. And where does all this money go? I haven't seen any proper counting of it, and it's time now for these donors to sit down and say, "Wait a minute, let's see, where did all this money go and how has it been used and how can we avoid something similar in the future?" I can't prove anything because I haven't seen the facts or figures, but I think it's high time the MPC be investigated for corruption. On what grounds? To see where the money's going and how the money's been used and who's been doing what. Thank you so much, Bertil. The post Bertil Lintner: 'It's High Time the MPC Be Investigated for Corruption' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Pat Jasan Reverend: ‘We’ll Continue Our Poppy Eradication’ Posted: 28 Mar 2016 11:03 PM PDT Rev. Gyung Hkawng of Pat Jasan giving a sermon to a group of Kachin Christians in Myitkyina, Kachin State. (Photo: Myanmar Now) In recent months, Pat Jasan, an ethnic Kachin public movement, has made headlines with its vigilante-style march on opium-producing poppy plantations, which its volunteers cut down in an effort to curb rising drug abuse in northern Burma's Kachin State. Thousands of volunteers were involved, many of them motivated by their leaders who belong to the Kachin Baptist Church, which first set up Pat Jasan in 2014. Despite the presence of a police escort, Pat Jasan's march into a poppy-growing area controlled by a government-backed militia ended in a violent confrontation with poppy farmers and militia members in late February. About 30 Pat Jasan volunteers were injured. The movement's methods, in particular its forced detention of addicts, have been called into question. Rev. Gyung Hkawng, 65, Kachin Baptist Convention chairman, spoke to Myanmar Now about the movement's origins and objectives, and why it is employing a vigilante approach. What are the reasons that Pat Ja San was set up? Drug abuse cases and arrests are increasing among the Kachin people. The users end up having a divorce from their wives and loss of livelihoods. Many Kachin people are addicted to drugs. As the government could not effectively conduct an anti-narcotics campaign, we did it with the help of local people in order to wipe out all parts of the opium industry. We first formed a 13-member committee comprising leaders of the Kachin community. How many poppy fields have been destroyed since the group was first established in 2014? We destroyed over 9,000 acres of poppy fields in 2014 and 2015. We have not compiled the figure for this year, but it could be some 1,000 acres. We destroyed mostly poppy fields in Tanai and Putao townships in this state. We conducted educative talks on the dangers of poppy. We held discussions with community leaders at Kampaitee [a border town in the militia-controlled area] last year and they promised us they would destroy poppy fields. So then we tried to eradicate the poppy fields there. What will you do against the poppy fields in areas under control of the Kachin Independence Army? The KIA is destroying the poppy fields by itself there, so we need not go. We only conducted eradication in Kachin people's areas where the KIA has no access. And we do not destroy poppy fields in other ethnic areas. Why don't you register Pat Jasan as an official organization? The government did not accept our registration, saying poppy eradication is their task and that they will take action against our movement. However, we cannot neglect immoral practices by the followers of our church. Authorities banned our anti-poppy movement, but we have to take the risk [of government action] as we cannot stop to protect our people. Does Pat Jasan inspect private houses? Yes, we inspected the houses of our followers and Kachin people if we get tip-offs on who is selling heroin. We did not harass people, but we search for illegal drugs. Accusations have been circulating that KIA members are taking part in Pat Jasan's operations. What is your response to this claim? The KIA is conducting their own anti-drug policy separately. This is wrong information. We are working with only ordinary people. Our movement sends a message about poppy cultivation to the global community. We are trying to reveal this situation in Myanmar and collect data. We want to announce who are the drug lords in our country. How long will it take to eradicate all poppy fields across Kachin State? We will continue our movement on poppy eradication regardless of time limitations. Our mission will be finalized within one or two years if the government supports us, otherwise we cannot estimate how long our movement will need to work. This story first appeared on Myanmar Now. The post Pat Jasan Reverend: 'We'll Continue Our Poppy Eradication' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

One in Five Burmese Children Go to Work Instead of School: Census Posted: 28 Mar 2016 11:01 PM PDT A child laborer works at a brick kiln outside Rangoon on Jan. 7, 2016. (Photo: Soe Zeya Tun / Reuters) BANGKOK — One in five children aged 10 to 17 in Burma go to work instead of school, according to figures from a census report on employment published on Monday. The Occupation and Industry report—part of Burma's 2014 census—shows about 1.7 million children between 10 and 17 years of age are working. "Today, one in five children aged 10-17 are missing out on the education that can help them get good jobs and have employment security when they grow up," Janet E. Jackson, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) representative for Burma, said in a statement. Many parts of rural Burma are mired in poverty and 1 million people are estimated to be in need of humanitarian aid due to natural disasters and internal conflict, which have driven hundreds of thousands from their homes, according to the United Nations. The 2014 nationwide census—Burma's first in 30 years—was criticized for excluding the country's Muslim Rohingya minority, who suffer state-sanctioned discrimination. Most of 1.1 million Rohingya are stateless and live in apartheid-like conditions in the western state of Arakan. The main results of the census were released in May 2015, and showed Burma's population stood at 51.4 million—a figure that includes an estimate of the Rohingya population based on pre-census mapping in Arakan State, according to UNFPA. The employment data highlighted a gender gap in the labor market, with about half of women aged 15 to 64 working or looking for a job, compared to 85 percent of men. The report indicated more than half (52 percent) of Burma's population is working in the agriculture, forestry or fishing sectors. These findings can be used to improve agricultural productivity to boost economic growth and farmers' earnings, said UNFPA, which assisted the government in carrying out the census. The report also showed one in five elderly people aged 65 or older still work, mostly in the physically demanding agriculture, forestry and fishing sectors. "The data suggest that economic realities oblige many people to continue heavy manual labor into old age to survive. This underlines the need for adequate social services and policies that serve the aged," Jackson said. Data from other sources show deep poverty in the country. Only a third of Burma's households have electric light, the infant mortality rate is 62 per 100,000 live births, and life expectancy stands at 66.8 years compared to neighboring Thailand's 74 years, according to the World Bank. The post One in Five Burmese Children Go to Work Instead of School: Census appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Thai Election Panel Expects 80% Turnout for Referendum Posted: 28 Mar 2016 10:55 PM PDT Thailand Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha waves to supporters in Bangkok on Jan. 15, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) BANGKOK — Thailand's election commission said on Monday it expected 80 percent of eligible voters to turn out for an Aug. 7 referendum on a controversial constitution that critics have vowed to boycott. The referendum, pushed back from July, will be Thailand's first return to the ballot-box since junta chief Prayuth Chan-ocha seized power in a May 2014 coup, following months of political unrest. Critics of the draft charter, who include the main political parties, say it will enshrine the military's influence and is unlikely to resolve bitter political disputes. "Around 51 million people have the right to vote. The turnout is expected to be 80 percent," Somchai Srisuthiyakorn, a member of the Election Commission, told Reuters. Somchai said around 57 percent of eligible voters turned out the last time Thailand voted on a new constitution in August 2007, following a 2006 coup that ousted populist Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. But he gave no reason for the expected higher turnout. Thailand has been politically fractured for more than a decade, split roughly along north-south lines between supporters of the government ousted in the 2014 coup and the military-backed royalist elite. Constitution rewrites have done little to end the country's decades-long cycle of coups. The current draft constitution, if approved, would be the 20th drafted since Thailand became a constitutional monarchy in 1932. Critics say they will boycott the August vote. "We will tell people that this constitution draft is bad," said Samart Kaewmechai, a member of the Puea Thai Party that swept to victory in July 2011, only to be toppled in the May 2014 coup. "Rejecting a constitution is a right and is not against the law," he told Reuters. Still, preparations have begun for the August referendum. "We will use Army Reserve Force students as a tool to create understanding about the contents of the draft constitution and distribute it all over the country," said Somchai. "We have told them to do this in a neutral manner." The Election Commission has said it will not try to influence opinion on the constitution, and would set up debates between groups in favor and those against. The post Thai Election Panel Expects 80% Turnout for Referendum appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

China Official Says Dalai Lama ‘Making a Fool’ of Buddhism Posted: 28 Mar 2016 10:50 PM PDT Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama waves to devotees outside the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, on March 11, 2016. (Photo: Reuters) BEIJING / DHARAMSALA, India — Exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama is "making a fool" of Tibetan Buddhism with suggestions he may not reincarnate, or reincarnate as something inappropriate, and the faithful are not buying it, a Chinese official wrote on Monday. The comments came as early election results put the leader of the Tibetan government-in-exile, Lobsang Sangay, on course for a second term, part of a strategy to sustain a decades-old struggle for greater autonomy for its Chinese-ruled homeland. China says the Dalai Lama, who fled into exile in India after a failed uprising against Chinese rule in 1959, is a violent separatist. He denies espousing violence and says he only wants genuine autonomy for Tibet. The animosity between the two sides, and their rivalry for control over Tibetan Buddhism, is at the heart of the debate about reincarnation. Tibetan Buddhism holds that the soul of a senior lama is reincarnated in the body of a child on his death. China says the tradition must continue and its officially atheist Communist leaders have the right to approve the Dalai Lama's successor, as a right inherited from China's emperors. The Nobel Peace Prize-winning monk has suggested his title could end when he dies. China accuses him of betraying, and being disrespectful toward, the Tibetan religion by saying there might be no more reincarnations. Writing in the state-run Global Times, Zhu Weiqun, chairman of the ethnic and religious affairs committee of the top advisory body to China's parliament, said the Dalai Lama had to respect tradition. "The Dalai Lama continues to proclaim his reincarnation is a 'purely religious matter' and something only he can decide, but he has no way to compel admiration from the faithful," wrote Zhu, known for his hardline stance on Tibet. "He's been proclaiming he'll reincarnate as a foreigner, as a bee, as a 'mischievous blond girl,' or even proposing a living reincarnation or an end to reincarnation," he added. "All of this, quite apart from making a fool of Tibetan Buddhism, is completely useless when it comes to extricating him from the difficulty of reincarnation," wrote Zhu, who was involved in the past in Beijing's failed efforts to talk to the Dalai Lama's representatives. A senior aide to the Dalai Lama, Tenzin Taklha, said there was "no way" Tibetans would accept a successor appointed by China. "The Chinese are following an absurd agenda and we continue to reject it," he said. In 2011, the Dalai Lama called on exiled Tibetans to nominate an elected leader, or "Sikyong," to lead the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Sangay was on track to win re-election with over 65 percent backing in the March 20 vote. "I hope to do much better. Both on political terms, by holding dialogue with the Chinese, and working on welfare issues in the next five years," he told Reuters. China does not recognize the CTA, which is based in India's Himalayan town of Dharamsala and represents nearly 100,000 exiled Tibetans living in 30 countries including India, Nepal, Canada and the United States. The post China Official Says Dalai Lama 'Making a Fool' of Buddhism appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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