Friday, June 17, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Burma Army Raids Mon National Liberation Army Base

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 06:43 AM PDT

Mon National Liberation Army soldiers patrol an area along the Burma-Thailand border. (Photo: Nai Mon Chan Nai / Facebook)

Mon National Liberation Army soldiers patrol an area along the Burma-Thailand border. (Photo: Nai Mon Chan Nai / Facebook)

The Burma Army has seized two guns and a handheld transceiver from a Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA) base on Thursday afternoon in Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State.

This was a surprise raid in what has been, over the last twenty years, a zone of largely quiet coexistence between the Burma Army and the non-state ethnic armed group.

The annual collection of "donations" by the MNLA from local residents had contributed to recent tensions with the Burma Army, but a formal link with the raid has not been established.

Nai Hong Sar Bong Khaing, a spokesperson from the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the political wing of the MNLA, told The Irrawaddy: "They raided our base and took one AK 47 assault rifle, one 9mm pistol and one walkie-talkie. But they did not detain our members."

"[The Burma Army] threatened our members, saying, 'Who allowed you to come here?' Our members responded that they had been ordered to by their leaders," said the NMSP spokesman.

The MNLA has maintained bases in the area since a ceasefire was signed with the Burmese military government in 2005. The area has been free of conflict in the years since; this is the first time tensions have prompted such an aggressive maneuver.

The NMSP spokesman said they did not know exactly what prompted the Burma Army's raid.

"We have already informed the [union-level] security and border affairs minister about the incident over the phone. We will ask [the Burma Army] why they did it," the spokesman said.

The Security and Border Affairs ministry is one of three ministries controlled by the Burmese military, in accordance with the military-drafted 2008 Constitution.

The NMSP spokesman reported on growing tensions between the Burma Army and the MNLA in the area in recent weeks, connected to the MNLA's yearly revenue-acquisition drive.

"Our members asked for monetary donations from our people in the area. This is our yearly donation drive. The Burma Army objected and told us to stop," he said.

In recent months, tensions have developed in Mudon, Thanbyuzayat and Kyaikmayaw townships of Mon State: the Burma Army ordered the MNLA to withdraw from some bases, claiming were beyond the lines agreed to in the ceasefire.

In the ceasefire reached in 1995—renewed in 2012 under the nominally civilian, military-backed government of President Thein Sein—the MNLA and the Burma Army agreed to share control of the area, separated by lines of control.

The NMSP/MNLA did not sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement reached between the Thein Sein government and eight ethnic armed groups in October last year. It is part of the United Nationalities Federal Council, an alliance of ethnic armed groups whose members the present government is trying to woo into the upcoming "21st Century Panglong" peace conference.

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French Minister of Foreign Affairs Praises Burma’s Path to Democratization

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 06:39 AM PDT

Joint press conference with State Counselor and Minister of Foreign Affairs Aung San Suu Kyi and her French counterpart Jean-Marc Ayrault in Naypyidaw. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Joint press conference with State Counselor and Minister of Foreign Affairs Aung San Suu Kyi and her French counterpart Jean-Marc Ayrault in Naypyidaw. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — French Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Development Jean-Marc Ayrault acknowledged the role of the Burma Army in contributing to Burma's ongoing process of democratization in a visit to the country on Friday.

"The Burma Army took part in the country's political reforms as well as in the electoral process. Therefore, we acknowledge it for its role in Burma's reform process," Jean-Marc Ayrault said at joint press conference in Naypyidaw.

He said that France respects the provisions of Burma's 2008 Constitution and that it is very satisfied with the public's participation in bringing about reform.

State Counselor and Minister of Foreign Affairs Aung San Suu Kyi thanked France for its consistent political, economic and development assistance.

"There is a very good relationship between us and France. I am especially interested in their culture. The French Institute in Rangoon is a fun, relaxing and interesting place for our people. I am especially grateful for it," Suu Kyi said.

The French foreign affairs minister said that the French people support Suu Kyi's human rights endeavors and that France is proud of her efforts to promote democracy and human rights in Burma.

"The strength of Burma is its people. We expect that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be able to make Burma's reforms a success with the strength of the people. And France always supports the people, who are the strength of Burma," Jean-Marc Ayrault said.

He added that France plans to provide 200 million euros (over US$2.25 million) in aid for Burma, and in the beginning of 2016, doubled its assistance for Burma's socio-economic development. Ayrault said that French companies are responsible investors keen to promote cooperation with Burma in various sectors.

France is also willing to engage in urban development in Rangoon and in strengthening the energy and health sectors of across the country.

"We'd like to offer assistance in housing, transportation, water supply and other related urban sectors. We'd like to help develop the major cities of Burma, especially Rangoon. The Paris City Mayor's Office in France is ready to assist Rangoon with development," Jean-Marc Ayrault said.

He added that France is willing, at Suu Kyi's request, to contribute to Burma's peace process as well.

"France is ready to give a hand in the peace and national reconciliation process if asked. And we respect what Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is doing to ensure the equitable development among a diverse society and the success of Burma's political process."

He said that a festival to mark the 55th anniversary of the French Institute will be held in an effort to promote the economic and cultural ties between the two countries.

Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko

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YCDC Policy Hits Developers, Workers

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 06:35 AM PDT

High-rise construction can be seen in the distance behind the Olympic Tower in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

High-rise construction can be seen in the distance behind the Olympic Tower in downtown Rangoon. (Photo: Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — A month after the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) announced the suspension of certain high-rise construction projects across Rangoon, developers have complained that the move is hurting their businesses and workers.

Without giving the developers prior warning, on May 14 the YCDC announced a halt to the construction of more than 200 buildings in Rangoon that were to be nine or more stories high.

"Developers like us are facing big problems," said Myo Myint, M.K.T Construction's chairman, who was forced to stop work on at least five construction sites around Rangoon. "We have no idea whether we should keep our skilled laborers at the sites or not. We have at least 300 workers per site."

According to the YCDC, the previous Rangoon divisional government and municipal council had given "initial approval" for proposals to build 204 high-rises (classified as buildings with nine stories or more) from 2013 to March 31 this year.

"There are many related industries and people, like construction workers, who have also been impacted by this suspension," Myo Myint said. "We're not breaking any rules. What we want is to be allowed to continue working on the projects while [the YCDC] conducts its inspections."

"Authorities said they will form a committee to review these suspended buildings soon, but it's been more than one month now," Myo Myint said. "If the delays continue, how can we survive?"

Developers said there have been many consequences following the YCDC's announcement: labor issues, complaints from buyers of the unfinished apartments, delays on repaying bank loans, cash flow issues and lack of business for construction suppliers.

Kyaw Kyaw Naing, director of i-Green Construction, which has now stopped two high-end properties in Yankin and Hlaing townships, said he has no idea how to resolve his customers' complaints, as his company has sold more than 200 rooms at each site.

"Who will take responsibility for this? Most developers have lost the trust of our customers because we don't know how to explain what has happened or when construction will recommence," he said. "Some customers stopped payments on their apartments, which will make our continued operations difficult."

"We have started work at each construction site many times, and we have had to fill out a lot of paperwork and wait for government approvals on different occasions," Kyaw Kyaw Naing said. "It is a convoluted process, but we are not breaking any laws."

Khun Naung Myint Wai, chairman of Waminn Group of Companies, said the developers are not blaming YCDC, they are just hoping for more rational policies.

"For my site, I tried hard to receive approval to build, and the land was won at an auction by the government. We've been making a massive investment, and I'm worried that now that it's the rainy season, the site needs care to prevent landslides," he said.

"We're not cronies and tycoons. We're just small- and medium-[level] businessmen. If government policy harms us, it means many people will suffer, so the government should address this problem as soon as possible."

"There are more than 100,000 construction workers who have been affected by this policy," he said.

In construction industry, workers' daily wages range from 7,500 kyats (US6.40) per day to 12000 kyats, while architects and engineers earn 3 million kyats (US$2,500) per month.

"We don't earn money every day like we used to," said Aung Htoo, a construction worker for developer Naing Group. "This is a big loss, and now school is starting, so we will really have problems supporting our children, and might not be able to cover some of the costs of daily living."

"Most workers came here from rural areas and don't know how to survive in Rangoon without a job," he said.

But developers have been lucky that workers have not protested yet.

"Actually, construction workers are still holding out hope," Myo Myint said.

Than Htay, head of YCDC's building department, said the Rangoon government will solve this problem very soon as they are aware of the impact the policy is having on the bottom rungs of the construction industry.

"The Rangoon government will form a committee very soon—as soon as possible," he said.

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Police in Rangoon’s Dala Township Seize 2-Ton Jade Slab

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 04:16 AM PDT

 A police officer shows the unworked jade stone at the Dala police station. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

A police officer shows the unworked jade stone at the Dala police station. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — On Wednesday, police in Rangoon's Dala Township intercepted a 2-ton piece of unworked jade that was being carried on a cargo truck.

Police official Thet Naing told The Irrawaddy on Friday that the driver of the truck, Kyan Khaing, was arrested on Dala Twan Tae Street in the township's Kamarkasit ward. He was an employee at Royal Water World International Trading Co., Ltd, a vehicle rental business. Police have launched an investigation and have filed the case with the township court.

According to police, the stone is some six feet in length and two feet in width. While police have been unable to obtain proper documentation verifying the stone's owner, it reportedly belongs to Aung Soe, who allegedly bought it from the Raza Nyi Naung Gems and Jewelry Enterprise at some point within the last three months. The stone is valued at some 20 million kyats (US$16,870).

"We can't estimate the value of the jade because we aren't jade experts," said Thet Naing, although Aung Soe supposedly bought the stone for more than 20 million kyats (US$16,870).

The Naypyidaw-based Myanmar Gems and Jewelry Entrepreneurs Association has been brought onto the case to determine whether the stone was purchased legally.

Police said that this sort of jade seizure is unprecedented in Dala, a township situated on the southern bank of the Rangoon River, across from downtown Rangoon.

"When locals heard about the stone, they became fascinated with the case," said Tin Hla, a Dala resident.

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Activists Demand Justice for Child Rape Victims

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 02:20 AM PDT

A poster on child sexual abuse prevention.

A poster on child sexual abuse prevention.

RANGOON — Over the past six months, several alleged child rapists have avoided jail time by compensating victims in Tenasserim Division's Dawei Township, according to women's rights advocates.

Dawei saw four cases of rape involving underage victims from January to June this year, and since the families of the rape victims did not understand the legal process for filing charges, they could only take compensation and move on, Thida Moe, a member of Dawei Women's Union who is helping the child rape victims, told The Irrawaddy.

"We have discovered six cases of child rape since January. Those cases were reported to the police, but they were never brought to court. The victims' families are from rural villages and do not know that they should and can bring charges against the perpetrators," she said.

In Dawei this month, a 60-year-old man allegedly sexually abused a 14-year old girl from a village in the countryside, according to the group. The case was not brought to court, but the suspected perpetrator gave the victim 1.4 million kyats (US$1,180) in compensation.

"When I found out about that case, the girl had already taken the compensation and so the issue is done. But the girl only received 900,000 kyats and the police kept the rest," said Thida Moe.

The Dawei Women's Union has criticized the township police force for its failure to handle properly the child sexual abuse cases.

"This would make men think that they can commit sexual abuse as long as they have money, which is really concerning for women and children. We are worried and feel unsafe. Therefore, the law must be enforced to make sure we are safe," said Su Su Htwe, secretary of Dawei Women's Union.

"As cases of rape and sexual abuse against young children are on the rise, harsh punishments are desperately needed," lawyer Robert San Aung told The Irrawaddy. "The more cases of child sexual abuse there are, the more it will impact the stability of the country. It looks like we need capital punishment for these cases."

In 2013, the previous parliament rejected a lawmaker's proposal for the application of capital punishment in cases of child rape.

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Unseen Pressures Behind Refugees’ Voluntary Return

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 12:06 AM PDT

A young girl living at Mae La refugee camp near Mae Sot, Thailand. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

A young girl living at Mae La refugee camp near Mae Sot, Thailand. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON—The Thai government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have repeatedly insisted that the return of more than 120,000 Burmese refugees from Thailand should be voluntary.

According to NGOs, some refugees have returned and others have shown interest in doing so, but there are unseen pressures prompting these so-called voluntary returns.

A reduction in aid and a denial for third country resettlement has placed pressure on refugees to leave the camps.

Many refugees in the nine camps along the Thai-Burma border lack sufficient assistance to support their daily lives. Some rely on small scale remittances and those who do not have a back-up return to their abandoned villages.

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported in May that growing numbers of refugees in Thailand's camps were encouraged by the peace process and reforms in Burma and were seeking support to return and rebuild their lives.

Sources in the camps said refugees were returning home if conditions appeared safe, but not because they were encouraged by the peace process. They added that lack of aid, denial of resettlement options and pressure from the Thai government were the actual motivating factors.

In preparation for refugee repatriation, houses are being built for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees in Karen State, southeastern Burma. According to a report by Karen News, an ethnic Karen media outlet, a Japanese charity foundation called the Nippon Foundation funded the construction of more than 1,200 low-cost houses, seven schools, three clinics and one health center in Karen National Union (KNU) controlled territories in Mon State, Karen State and elsewhere.

In spite of ongoing preparations for repatriation, many of the refugees from these areas were displaced by conflict and said they did not want to return home because their villages and farmlands were still occupied by the Burma Army.

Burma's government has been unclear on its policy regarding the return of disputed land—some of which is still littered with mines left from the conflict—to its original owners.

Model villages have been constructed, but many refugees said these were glorified domestic refugee camps and they preferred to return to their original lands where they could farm, raise livestock and run other small-scale businesses.

Aside from refugees displaced by conflict, there are economic migrants in the camps from urban areas, including the commercial capital Rangoon, who sought resettlement in the United States, Canada, Australia or the European Union. Refugees who were not displaced by conflict are unqualified to register with UNHCR and face no choice but to return home.

Recognizing the new democratic reforms in Burma, the Thai government appears unwilling to keep hosting the 120,000 refugees on its soil.

However, critics argue that unless there is a guarantee that war refugees can opt to live safely in their origin areas, the return is more of a forced repatriation than a voluntary one.

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USDP Denies Using Ma Ba Tha for Political Gain

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 12:00 AM PDT

A USDP campaign in Irrawaddy's Maubin Township ahead of the 2015 general election. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

A USDP campaign in Irrawaddy's Maubin Township ahead of the 2015 general election. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Khin Yi, a central executive committee member and spokesperson for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), has denied speculation that his party used the Association for Protection of Race and Religion—an association of nationalist monks better known by its Burmese acronym Ma Ba Tha—for its own political gain.

The speculation followed the resignation of monk U Parmaukkha, previously a senior-ranking member of Ma Ba Tha, who has condemned the association for supporting only one political party in last year's election. He has already left Ma Ba Tha and is planning to officially resign by the end of this month.

Ma Ba Tha allied itself with then-president Thein Sein's USDP in last year's election and campaigned against Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy.

"Probably, they [Ma Ba Tha] did this according to what they believe. We did not use them to solicit votes for us. We would not use a religious organization for that purpose," Khin Yi, who also served as immigration and population minister in the previous government, told The Irrawaddy.

While political parties should not use race and religion organizations and monks for their party's interests, race and religion organizations and monks also should not be partisan, Galonni Sayadaw Kawira, a senior monk who is not a Ma Ba Tha member, told The Irrawaddy.

"Monks should not be the stooges of a party. They should not do it. As monks, they receive the respect of all Buddhists, so it is a very bad thing if they are biased. Doing so might lead to unnecessary conflicts. It is also not good for Buddhism," he said.

Though the USDP has said they did not use any race and religion associations including Ma Ba Tha in last year's poll, there have been many allegations of the then-ruling party using Ma Ba Tha during campaign season and the 2015 November election.

"Ma Ba Tha proposed a so-called race and religion protection law, which was ratified by the USDP government. In gratitude, Ma Ba Tha encouraged the people to support the USDP during the election," said Parmaukkha earlier this week.

The USDP has said the party is undergoing reforms after it suffered a crushing defeat in November's general election.

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Peace Process Should Remain the Priority

Posted: 16 Jun 2016 11:57 PM PDT

A camp for displaced Muslims in Myebon, Arakan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

A camp for displaced Muslims in Myebon, Arakan State. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

I am sometimes asked by foreign reporters why Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) government is "ignoring" the Muslim Rohingya in Arakan State—a minority group suffering from discrimination and the denial of their human rights.

I reply that Suu Kyi is now a politician, not a human rights activist, and the Rohingya are not the only group to have suffered displacement and deprivation due to conflict. Suu Kyi will likely assist some Rohingya, in order to improve the international image of her government, but she will carefully avoid antagonizing the Buddhist majority in Arakan State.

Suu Kyi became the de facto authority behind the new government in April, after more than two decades of struggle against military rule—for which she was heralded internationally as an icon of democracy and human rights.

Due to this legacy, Suu Kyi was assailed with angry voices from abroad when she, as Burma's Foreign Minister, advised the US Embassy in Rangoon in early May not to use the word "Rohingya," after an Embassy statement featuring the word sparked nationalist protests.

lawei

Lawi Weng is a Senior Reporter for The Irrawaddy English edition.

Earlier, Suu Kyi indicated to a Voice of America Burmese language reporter that they would continue the previous government's policy of referring to the persecuted Muslim minority group as "Bengali," a term which implies they are migrants from Bangladesh. She followed up by asking, rhetorically, whether word choice should outweigh a practical solution.

As someone who has conducted on-the-ground reporting on the conflict in Arakan State, I feel the time is overdue for the government to relocate the Rohingya from displaced persons' camps back to their hometowns and villages, from where they were driven in 2012 and 2013. This seems more important than fighting over a name, which might be better done after relocation.

Displaced Rohingya have suffered deprivation for several years now, and had high expectations that the NLD government and Suu Kyi would oversee their return home. However, their future remains in the dark, and it is unclear what exactly the government is prepared to do for them.

Critics should understand that, without some form of approval from the Buddhist Arakanese majority, relocation and reintegration could not happen. Buddhist Arakanese and Rohingya Muslims can only live side-by-side again if both groups consent to do so.

Suu Kyi appears to understand this well, and knows that the Arakan State government—currently headed by an NLD chief minister—would not be able to function well without the consent of the Arakan National Party, which is the largest party in the state legislature and represents the interests of the Buddhist Arakanese majority.

The Rohingya issue is not the problem requiring the most urgent fix. Ethnic and religious strife in Burma is complex and deep-rooted; there are more than 12 ethnic armed groups who have not signed Burma's nationwide ceasefire agreement, fighting is ongoing, and thousands of people from across different ethnic lines have been made refugees in the country's civil war.

For example, after a 17-year ceasefire, fighting resumed in 2011 between the Burma Army and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in northern Burma's Kachin State. The conflict has displaced more than 100,000 people, who remain in IDP camps in Kachin and neighboring Shan State, with dwindling funds from international agencies to support them.

While the numbers are lower than the 140,000 displaced by the communal conflict in Arakan State (the overwhelming majority of whom were Muslim Rohingya), those displaced from the Kachin conflict have suffered similar deprivations—particularly those caught behind KIA lines, largely out of reach of the major refugee agencies.

Although they generally enjoy more rights, on paper at least, than the stateless Rohingya, the chronic insecurity brought by war and the virtual absence of rule of law make it impossible for most to exercise their basic rights.

However, the plight of those caught up in conflict in Kachin State and elsewhere across Burma's ethnic minority borderlands does not receive anything like the attention the Rohingya crisis receives in the international press—or anything like the criticism.

The current administration needs to address both the suffering of the Rohingya and that of Burma's ethnic groups currently recognized by the government. As the Burma Army continues to wage campaigns against various ethnic armed groups—which include aerial bombing and the recent use of armed drones—the resolution of the peace process remains the correct priority of Suu Kyi and the NLD government.

Lawi Weng is a senior reporter for The Irrawaddy.

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Lawmakers Fight Concession Contracts on Public Land

Posted: 16 Jun 2016 11:20 PM PDT

Rangoon's Shwedagon Pagoda rises over Kandawgyi Lake, the site of some controversial private developments on public land, with allegations of corruption. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

Rangoon's Shwedagon Pagoda rises over Kandawgyi Lake, the site of some controversial private developments on public land, with allegations of corruption. (Photo: JPaing / The Irrawaddy)

RANGOON — Rangoon's divisional parliament approved a proposal designed to protect public spaces put forward on Thursday by Nay Phone Latt, a lawmaker representing Thingangyun Township.

The proposal called to end public-private partnerships between the Yangon City Development Committee (YCDC) and private companies that lease public lands in order to build shopping malls, recreation centers, high-rise condominiums and other development projects. The partnership businesses, which have been linked to crony companies, subcontract or develop the land and then charge entrance fees to the public.

Fifteen National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers supported the proposal and contributed additional examples of land disputes, confiscation and corruption tied to former government officials.

Lawmaker Hla Htay from Rangoon's Minglar Taung Nyunt constituency said YCDC had given out similar concessions for years, offering cheap leases on popular public spaces like Kandawgyi Lake, Inya Lake and People's Park.

"When I was a university student, Inya Lake was a legendary venue where people went to relax. Now it is a commercial place for businessmen," Hla Htay said.

Lawmakers pointed out numerous other instances of the misappropriation of public lands.

Lawmaker That Htar Nwe Win of Thaketa Township said Shwe Yap Won Construction Company is trying to fill in a lake in her township to build a housing development, despite objections from locals.

Lawmaker Than Naing Oo from Pabedan Township pointed out another build-operate-transfer project between YCDC and Phoo Pwint Saing Company in Rangoon's North Okkalapa Township, which has begun construction on a 10-acre plot of public land.

"I saw a game center there. Children were playing there during school hours," he said, adding that he saw a sign that read, "Coming Soon Water Park," and that a water park should not be built on a public lake.

Than Naing Oo said that North Okalappa residents and the local fire department rely on the lake during water shortages and emergencies. He added that renovating the lake as a sustainable water supply would be preferable to constructing new buildings in its place, and that in any case, the government should be transparent and release detailed information about the development project.

Lawmaker Hla Htay brought up the iconic Secretariat building in downtown Rangoon—a 19th century government complex built under the British, where independence hero Aung San was assassinated with his comrades in 1947—whose premises are currently barred to the public. Hla Htay called on the government to turn it into a public space, citing the successes of other countries in developing such resonant public sites.

Rangoon Mayor Maung Maung Soe said lawmakers presented strong evidence and that he would seek a resolution to the problem, realizing the value of public areas and public institutions. He added that some projects were already underway, and that many public areas have maintenance costs, which is why YCDC has sought private business partnerships.

"The key is not to exploit or misuse the areas for personal benefit," Maung Maung Soe said.

Nay Phone Latt said he recognizes the difficult situation the government faces in correcting these problems, and wants to prevent the same misuse issues from happening in the future, adding that he will continue to fight for a law that protects Rangoon's public spaces.

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Malaysia Detains 7 Suspected IS Members Plotting Attacks

Posted: 16 Jun 2016 11:11 PM PDT

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak delivers a speech at the opening of the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur November 21, 2015. (Photo: Olivia Harris / Reuters)

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak delivers a speech at the opening of the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur November 21, 2015. (Photo: Olivia Harris / Reuters)

KUALA LUMPUR — Malaysian police have detained seven men suspected of being an Islamic State militant cell that was plotting attacks, authorities said Sunday.

The seven Malaysians were detained over the past three days in a follow-up operation after the Jan. 15 detention of a man who was planning a suicide attack in Kuala Lumpur, national police chief Khalid Abu Bakar said.

Among the items seized were 30 types of bullets, jihad books and Islamic State flags and videos, he said.

"All the suspects are members of the same [terror] cell, which is responsible for planning to launch terror attacks in strategic locations across Malaysia," Khalid said in a statement.

The suspect thought to be the cell leader is a 31-year-old assistant housekeeping manager at a hotel in southern Johor state, Khalid said. He said one of the suspects, whom he didn't identify, received orders from Bahrom Naim, an Indonesian based in Syria who had a role in planning the Jakarta attacks.

Malaysia raised its security alert level following the attacks Jan. 14 in neighboring Indonesia.

More than 150 people suspected of having ties to the Islamic State group have been detained in Malaysia over the past two years, including some accused of plotting attacks in Kuala Lumpur.

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Police Fail to Arrest Popular Thai Monk After Tense Showdown

Posted: 16 Jun 2016 11:06 PM PDT

Buddhist monks walk from Wat Phra Dhammakaya temple to Khlongluang provincial police station to show support for Phra Dhammachayo, Pathum Thani province, north of Bangkok, Thailand, May 26, 2016. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters)

Buddhist monks walk from Wat Phra Dhammakaya temple to Khlongluang provincial police station to show support for Phra Dhammachayo, Pathum Thani province, north of Bangkok, Thailand, May 26, 2016. (Photo: Chaiwat Subprasom / Reuters)

BANGKOK — Thai police raided a Buddhist temple complex Thursday to arrest a popular abbot accused of accepting US$40 million in embezzled money but were thwarted by thousands of his followers who said he is too ill to be taken into custody.

The raid at Wat Dhammakaya, a monastery north of Bangkok known as one of the wealthiest in Thailand, began at 5am and was broadcast live on TV, in a tense showdown following a months-old standoff. But hours later police couldn't arrest the abbot, Phra Dhammachayo, after searching all the areas in the complex but one.

"There is a last area we could not enter because the followers would not allow us," said police Maj. Suriya Singhakamol, the deputy chief of the Department of Special Investigations.

Dhammachayo's case has enthralled the nation with its twists and turns and the conflict between law and religion it has posed. Several scandals in recent years have cast a shadow over the Buddhist clergy in Thailand.

Although the police withdrew for the day after the fruitless raid, Suriya said "our operation has not ended. The [arrest] warrant is still valid so we will have authority to carry out the operation. According to our information, he is still inside."

Dhammachayo is accused of money laundering and links to embezzling 1.4 billion baht ($40 million) from a now-defunct credit union. He has barricaded himself inside his temple, ignoring three police summonses and an arrest warrant. He has avoided arrest for over two months, claiming he was too ill to report to police for questioning.

Outside of Thailand it may seem odd that a monk should be able to defy law-enforcement officials so brazenly. But a law which forbids arrest of a monk in his robes, for fear it would mar the sanctity of the clergy, has repeatedly put police in an awkward position. Authorities are also reluctant to force a showdown with the monk's thousands of supporters, fearing violence.

Buddhism is the national religion and one of three core pillars of Thai society along with the monarchy and nationhood. Monks occupy a privileged position and are granted many concessions, including not paying taxes and being exempt from arrest until they are defrocked.

Their position in Thai society was reflected in the police operation—they paused the raid to allow the monks to eat their once-a-day meal at 11am

"Since this morning, we have given full cooperation to the police," temple spokesman Phra Sanitwong Wuttiwangso told an afternoon news conference on the temple grounds. But he said groups of followers were refusing to let police enter certain areas. "A number of followers, no matter what we tell them, they will not listen. They are asking [police] for consideration, because the abbot is ill. He has not fled the temple."

The main gates to the temple, a futuristic construction resembling a golden UFO-like dome, were blocked with shuttle buses brought in by the monk's followers. Police still managed to enter in as thousands of devotees held up signs condemning the police for what the devotees say is a politically motivated investigation.

Dhammachayo leads the largest religious sect in Thailand and has a cult-like following. He first got into trouble two years ago when it became known that the former head of the Klongchan Credit Union Cooperative, a Dhammakaya devotee, had donated such large sums to the temple that it sent his business into insolvency.

The official was convicted of embezzlement and sentenced to 16 years in prison.

The post Police Fail to Arrest Popular Thai Monk After Tense Showdown appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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