Saturday, June 18, 2016

The Irrawaddy Magazine

The Irrawaddy Magazine


Dateline Irrawaddy: ‘Ethnic Groups’ Faith in Parliament Has Somehow Been Dashed’

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 07:00 PM PDT

photoKyaw Kha: Welcome to Dateline Irrawaddy! This week, we'll discuss the internal peace process—a must for the new civilian government. Irrawaddy English edition ethnic affairs reporters Ko Saw Yan Naing and Ko Lawi Weng will join me for the discussion. I am Irrawaddy Burmese edition reporter Kyaw Kha.

The new civilian government has said they would give priority to internal peace and ethnic issues. Late last month, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi formed two sub-committees responsible for preparations for the '21st Century Panglong Conference'. Sub-committee 1 is led by Lt-Gen Yar Pyae and is tasked with holding talks with ethnic signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement [NCA]. Sub-committee 2 is led by Dr. Tin Myo Win and is tasked with holding talks with the NCA non-signatories. Sub-committee 2 met for the first time with non-signatories in Chiang Mai, Thailand earlier this month. Ko Saw Yan Naing, you covered the meeting. What significant things did you notice there?

Saw Yan Naing: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi formed the sub-committee led by Tin Myo Win and therefore they have greater confidence and more transparency than the military-backed peace negotiation team led by U Aung Min. But then again, Tin Myo Win's team could not make decisions immediately regarding sensitive issues, so important decisions could not be made at the meeting. Mainly, they invited non-signatories to attend the 21st Century Panglong Conference and participate in the political dialogue framework reviewing process. The United Nationalities Federal Council [UNFC] leadership said they would make a decision on whether they would attend the meeting, but it seems they have not decided yet. They want to understand clearly how Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will hold the conference, and they want to take their time. Some analysts said the UNFC might be concerned that they will miss the opportunity to negotiate their demands if they don't participate in the Panglong Conference, because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi does not want to postpone it. She wants it to take place soon. Some people have pointed out that if the UNFC does not participate in the conference, its role might be downplayed.

KK: NCA signatories met the sub-committee led by Lt-Gen Yar Pyae a few days ago in Yangon. It was an informal meeting about the political dialogue framework review. I covered the meeting and found differences between the previous government and the new government. The previous government held the Union Peace Conference and invited NCA-signatories. Although NCA non-signatories were also invited to the conference, they could only attend as observers and were not allowed to participate in discussions. But the new government has taken a different approach. It will allow NCA non-signatories to participate in discussions during the conference and in reviewing the framework for political dialogue. It looks like there a good outlook for talks between the government and NCA non-signatories. What do you think, Ko Lawi?

Lawi Weng: Yes, and that is because of the differences between U Aung Min and U Thein Sein from the previous government and Dr. Tin Myo Win from the new government. The developments are encouraging. Given the circumstances, it is likely that the Arakan Army [AA], Ta'ang National Liberation Army [TNLA] and Kokang may join the peace conference. If the military does not intervene and allows them to participate, it will do a lot for the process. We always write news stories about these three groups—who are non-signatories and members of the UNFC. It is possible that if these three groups join the peace conference, the rest may automatically come along. But then again, it greatly depends on the decision of the military. If the military stays silent and says nothing, it is a good sign. If they speak out against it, the situation might be different.

KK: The Palaung [Ta'ang] and Kokang submitted their official resignations to the UNFC last month, but the UNFC has not made a decision yet. We have also heard talk that the Palaung and Kokang may resign from the UNFC in order to join the United Wa State Army [UWSA], and that the Wa might lead allied forces in northern Burma along the Burma-China border. If that is true, it will be a tough challenge for the new government. What do you think?

SYN: If the military agrees with the way paved by the NLD and allows NCA non-signatories—the AA, TNLA and Kokang—to sign the NCA, the peace process is almost a done deal. But if the military does not allow these three groups to sign, forces in northern Shan State—the Mongla Army, Kokang, Shan State Progressive Party [SSPP], AA and UWSA might ally. All of them are big forces and will pose grave danger together. Military tensions might arise then. In Shan State, ethnic groups are even fighting against each other—there are renewed clashes between the Restoration Council of Shan State [RCSS] and the TNLA. It could lead to a very complicated situation if the military does not accept those three groups.

LW: Speaking of the military, we have talked about a federal army. The UNFC has tried to establish a federal army—an inclusive army that ethnic minority groups could join, but it has been quite difficult. Mainly, there are budget problems. The UNFC has tried hard to translate its idea of a federal army into a reality, but it has not happened. The UWSA is the strongest ethnic armed group in Burma. If those three groups are not allowed to sign the NCA, they will probably join the Wa, which will pose a serious challenge to the ongoing peace process. The UWSA has money and can take the helm with that money.

KK: What people expect in the time of the new civilian government is a ceasefire and permanent peace. So far, their expectations are far from being fulfilled. Local people measure peace against a yardstick of clashes. There are clashes in Kachin State, and in northern and southern Shan State.  It seems like there are more clashes now than under the previous government. There are even clashes between ethnic armed groups—the RCSS and the TNLA. Both sides have suffered heavy casualties and locals have also seen their homes destroyed or suffered injury or death. People in war zones wonder what Parliament, under the civilian government, can do for them. Ko Lawi, how much do you think Parliament will be able to solve this problem?

LW: Ethnic minority groups had high hopes for the National League for Democracy [NLD], but the NLD-dominated parliament has made no significant effort to help resolve their problems. Ethnic groups expected Parliament to seek a resolution. Ethnic issues were only permitted as questions in Parliament. In the case of Arakan issues, their proposal was rejected by Parliament. Ethnic groups' faith in Parliament has somehow been dashed. Lawmakers from the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy [SNLD] and the Arakan National Party [ANP] have been informally talking at Parliament about merging the two parties. I spoke with a Palaung lawmaker a few days ago and he said they are thinking about how the TNLA could join that merger. He said the NLD is forced to make political maneuvers depending on the moves of the military. It is not that the NLD does not bother to solve the problems, but it can't make moves without military approval—some ethnic groups are fed up with it.

KK: The new government is already taking steps in the peace process. What are some of the improvements and challenges, Ko Yan Naing?

SYN: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said she would give priority to peacebuilding. Then, her government took a series of steps. Tin Myo Win invited UNFC leaders to hold talks in Rangoon. He is also set to meet with the Wa group. There were also some improvements under the previous government; for example, guns almost fell silent in most of the regions controlled by the Karen National Union [KNU].

The challenge is Shan State. Fierce clashes have erupted there in spite of the ongoing peace process and there were even air strikes. According to consultancy IHS Jane's intelligence report, modern military equipment [drones] was deployed. There are renewed clashes in Arakan State. The AA was not strong before but they have become bigger and more active throughout the peace process. While there are some improvements, there are many challenges. It will depend on how effectively Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can handle the situation and how willing the military is to cooperate.

KK: Assessing what you two have said, most of the ethnic policies of the new government and the ethnic groups are the same, which is a positive sign for peace. The military plays a major role in the peace process under the current government. If the military will cooperate with the government, we can expect good news for peace. Ko Saw Yan Naing, Ko Lawi, thanks for your contributions.

The post Dateline Irrawaddy: 'Ethnic Groups' Faith in Parliament Has Somehow Been Dashed' appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (June 18, 2016)

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 06:30 PM PDT

The Talaingyar River, slated to be dammed as part of the Dawei special economic zone in southern Burma, against local opposition. (Photo: Yen Snaing / The Irrawaddy)

The Talaingyar River, slated to be dammed as part of the Dawei special economic zone in southern Burma, against local opposition. (Photo: Yen Snaing / The Irrawaddy)

Government Told to Demand Transparency From SEZ Firms

The companies involved in planning and building special economic zones (SEZs) in Dawei and Kyaukphyu are failing to disclose impact assessments and other information relating to the massive projects, according to the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ).

Progress on the Dawei SEZ, in southern Burma's Tenasserim Division, has been delayed by a lack of funding, but the governments of Burma, Thailand and, more recently, Japan, are all involved in a project that looks to be moving ahead.

In Kyaukphyu, a Chinese-led consortium was awarded the rights to build a port and industrial zone by the outgoing government in January. Lead developer CITIC's vice chairman Yuan Shaolin told Chinese state media in January that the company would protect the local environment and ensure the local population benefits from the SEZ.

However, researchers from the Switzerland-based ICJ said in an article posted on Thursday that they had asked investors, developers, auditors and a research institute involved in the SEZ projects for information relating to environmental impact assessments, environmental management plans, and financial audit reports over the past three months, but "received no substantive responses."

Vani Sathisan, the ICJ's international legal adviser based in Burma, and James Tager, a Harvard Satter Fellow working with the ICJ, warned that transparency on the projects was vital to making sure they did not have deleterious effects on local populations.

They called for Burma's new government to ensure that companies were meeting what transparency requirements were already enshrined in law, and said the Parliament should pass a new piece of legislation on environmental impact assessments, which is currently in draft form.

"[Burma's] government has the obligation, under international law, to uphold the rights of its people to informed participation in environmental decision-making," they wrote.

"These obligations must start with government officers committing to sharing information with communities affected by proposed projects, and must continue with enforcement of regulations ensuring that corporate actors do the same."

U.S. Finance Institution Backs Cellphone Tower Firm

Washington's development finance institution, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC), has agreed to provide a loan worth US$250 million to Apollo Towers Myanmar Limited, a company building and operating cellphone towers in Burma.

The loan represents the institution's first foray into Burma, and underlines expectations of greater expansion in telecommunications infrastructure in the country.

A statement from Myanmar Investments International Limited, a London-listed investment fund and one of Apollo Towers' shareholders, said the company has plans to more than double the number of cellphone towers it operates.

Apollo Towers, whose shareholders also include U.S. firms Tillman Holding and TPG Growth, is one of a handful of private firms building infrastructure for the three companies currently offering mobile phone services in Burma.

The sector has expanded rapidly towards ambitious coverage targets. Myanmar Investments reckons mobile phone penetration has now reached more than 75 percent of the population, up from just 9 percent in 2013.

Apollo Towers already owns and operates about 1,800 towers, and is targeting 2,000 in its next stage of development, according to the statement.

"OPIC is pleased to be working with Apollo on this first, important investment in Burma," OPIC's President and CEO Elizabeth Littlefield was quoted in the statement as saying.

"Telecommunications are a critical part of ongoing development across the world and, through this project, OPIC is looking to have a significant impact on those who previously lacked access to telecommunications coverage in the country."

Korean-Funded Research Institute Hopes to Step Up Farmers' Productivity

South Korea's overseas development agency is funding a new research center that it is hoped will help to address low productivity in Burmese agriculture.

Research by the World Bank recently identified low yields as a challenge for Burmese farmers, who on average put in more work for a smaller crop yield than farmers in most of the rest of Asia, despite the country's endowment of workable soil and weather conditions.

A report in South Korean media said ground was broken earlier this month on a new Post-Harvest Research Center in Naypyidaw. The Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) is funding the center to the tune of US$4.5 million, the publicly funded Yonhap news Agency said.

The report identified a "Lack of know-how and sophisticated techniques" as reasons for Burma's lower agricultural efficiency.

"The institute will be tasked with studying techniques related to packaging, processing, storage and others deemed to be critical to improving the yields and productivity of farming products after being harvested," Yonhap reported.

Startup Incubator Invites Applications

The downtown Rangoon-based tech hub Phandeeyar is inviting applications from local start-ups to gain a share of US$200,000 of available seed funding.

The organization recently received $2 million from the Omidyar Network, the self-described philanthropic investment firm set up by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar, which was explained in a blog post earlier this month:

"We believe that [Burma's] 'digital leapfrog' can have a meaningful impact on the lives of ordinary citizens," the organization said. "However, to do this, a new generation of technologists, civil society leaders, journalists and other change-agents will need to be equipped with the necessary skills to leverage the new connectivity infrastructure. These skills are in short supply today after decades of isolation."

Of that cash, a seed fund of $200,000 is reportedly to be shared between at least six startups by the Phandeeyar Accelerator.

"We commit $25,000 of seed funding when you enter the Phandeeyar Accelerator," the incubator's website says.

"The money belongs to your startup; you can spend it as you see fit, but we do recommend that you budget carefully and spend as much as you can on promoting and growing your company."

As well as the cash, the startups will have access to specialist mentors and other training, free services like web hosting and space in the Phandeeyar office on Merchant Street.

Chinese Tech Firm Plans to Set Up Burma Branch

Chinese company GCI Science and Technology Co Ltd is planning to set up a unit in Burma, according to Reuters.

The Guangzhou-based company is a spin-off from the Chinese Ministry of Industry and Information Technology.

According to its website, the company is involved in consulting and services relating to communications networks, cloud computing, broadband internet and set-top boxes for digital TV.

The site mentions its ambitions overseas, especially in Southeast Asia.

"Over the years, GCI Science & Technology, on the basis of further consolidating the domestic market, has actively expanded the international market [sic], set up overseas branches in Hong Kong, Indonesia, Malaysia and other places, and has become the influential [sic] professional network optimization service provider on the Southeast Asian market," it says.

The post The Irrawaddy Business Roundup (June 18, 2016) appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

Censorship Harms Burma’s Chance for Reconciliation

Posted: 17 Jun 2016 06:00 PM PDT

A still photograph from 'Twilight Over Burma.' (Photo: Dor Films)

A still photograph from 'Twilight Over Burma.' (Photo: Dor Films)

The Human Rights Human Dignity film festival could not screen its opening film Twilight over Burma: My Life as a Shan Princess in Rangoon this week. Burma's film censorship board banned the film because it could allegedly tarnish the image of the Burma Army and harm ethnic unity.

I expect that there will be enough—completely warranted—criticism of this decision. It showed that censorship still exists in Burma under the new government, and highlighted two critical issues as festival co-organizer Mon Mon Myat pointed out at the opening, that "military and religion still cannot be touched."

The decision shows that there is a line the National League for Democracy (NLD) ministers dare not cross. I have been in Burma long enough that I already know that argument of those who are ready to defend banning this film: that this is a sensitive time leading up to the 21st Century Panglong Conference and it is better not to shake the boat now.

Because I care about peace and reconciliation in Burma and do understand that reconciliation is the biggest issues facing our country, I have spent hours asking myself if the screening of the film could really have been 'harmful.'

I came to the following conclusions:

  1. It is simply wrong for the censorship board to have banned the film.
  2. It is wrong to have a censorship board.

The fact that the festival could not screen the film highlighted how the military still influences what can and cannot be done from behind the scenes. But it is not only about the military, it is about the deep fear that has been ingrained in peoples' minds, and that even people who are not ex-military but who currently work in state institutions are afraid of upsetting the military.

Banning the film does not help reconciliation—it is the other way around. Censoring the truth harms reconciliation. Honestly recognizing the wrongdoings that have happened before—and are still happening—will do much more for reconciliation.

I think I understand the concerns of the people in top positions who are making decisions on the NLD side. They are trying to walk a narrow path, one that will not upset the military but will also introduce reforms that people expect. But the truth, suffering and pain that many families and communities have dealt with must also be taken into consideration. Their experiences cannot be censored or pushed under the rug in the name of reconciliation. Denying the truth and not acknowledging pain and suffering undermines the chance for a resolution.

Many groups have suffered under military rule. But if the democratically elected leaders and the military leaders want to achieve peace, they need to admit that ethnic and religious minority groups have suffered. Recognition of this will do just as much for reconciliation as any negotiations that go on behind closed doors. To really succeed in the peace process, you need those negotiations, partnered with high-profile talks and public recognition of past wrongdoings. It is the responsibility of the leadership to do so.

If Burma genuinely wants to address human rights abuses, culture, art and media should be encouraged to bring truth, painful stories and wrongdoings—both past and present—into the open.

Igor Blaževič is a human rights campaigner, founder of One World, Europe's biggest human rights documentary film festival, and a jury member at the Human Rights Human Dignity International Film Festival in Burma.

The post Censorship Harms Burma's Chance for Reconciliation appeared first on The Irrawaddy.

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